| Author | Message | ||
Vjavasi Side Hero Username: Vjavasi Post Number: 3209 Registered: 11-2009 Posted From: 75.131.192.17 Rating: |
em TDP vallu dabbu isthe maaku dabbu vaddu kulam kavali adhi vunte memu batikestamu ani cheppevara? | ||
Vjavasi Side Hero Username: Vjavasi Post Number: 3208 Registered: 11-2009 Posted From: 75.131.192.17 Rating: N/A |
emi goppa panulu chesaarani congress ollani valla leadership ni choosi opponents edavali......article riots ki evaru kaaranam ane daani meedha kaadhu ga....chenna reddy NJR ni maatrame accuse chesadu ani raayaledhu ga...NJR next CM ayyadu kabatti atani peru author mention chesadu emo...it could be wrong also..assembly lo aithe kadapa & vijayawada nunchi goondalu ni teppinchi cheyyistunnaru ani chenna reddy statement ichaadu ani journalist krishna rao oka TV discussion lo cheppadu.....YSR ni nenu emi analedhu.....i never personally accused him for riots......you can check my posts....i only blamed him for looting public money and implementing faction model throughout the state....... | ||
Sasibabu Comedian Username: Sasibabu Post Number: 1821 Registered: 11-2009 Posted From: 192.131.85.207 Rating: N/A |
\The elections showed that if a political party, whether regional or national, convinces the electorate of its ability to form a government by projecting itself as a viable alternative to the ruling party, it stands a fair chance of gaining political power\ \This was the only instance in the political history of India when a dismissed Chief Minister was reinstated.\ \the demoralisation caused by successive electoral defeats and the collective fear of NTR was so great in the Congress, that 22 of the candidates allotted Congress tickets refused to file their nominations.\ Madhaputenugulani ukku sankalpamtho bandinchina Vidhaatha.....  . Annaaaaaaaaaa..... Telugu Jaathi Missing you.Oka Kaka...Oka KK....Oka VH....Oka Botsa...Oka Chiranjeevi...mahaanubhaavulu | ||
Newguy123 Hero Username: Newguy123 Post Number: 11405 Registered: 01-2009 Posted From: 67.84.99.245 Rating: N/A |
migatavaallu gajulu todukkunnara? | ||
Rowdy Side Hero Username: Rowdy Post Number: 4545 Registered: 01-2010 Posted From: 98.193.70.249 Rating: N/A |
lol, congress unte castes ki ateetam gaa dochukune vallu ... TDP vachaka caste aitene dochukunnaru ... adi problem ... sareeram edagagane saripodu  | ||
Onlytruth Legend Username: Onlytruth Post Number: 64085 Registered: 01-2007 Posted From: 173.62.7.9 Rating: N/A |
hahaha okkalle dochukune panaa ? check pette party vachesariki caste divisions techaaru koddhiga edagandi Rakta Charitra (4 parts) : Discover YSR http://kumarsbol.blogspot.com/2009/09/ysr-19492009-born-again-politician-1.html | ||
Rowdy Side Hero Username: Rowdy Post Number: 4544 Registered: 01-2010 Posted From: 98.193.70.249 Rating: N/A |
TDP ane party lekapote state lo caste politics aneve levu ... period | ||
Rowdy Side Hero Username: Rowdy Post Number: 4543 Registered: 01-2010 Posted From: 98.193.70.249 Rating: N/A |
pani avvakapovadaniki caste reason ani cheppaka vuri gurinchi adugutunnav ... needi ye uru? | ||
Rowdy Side Hero Username: Rowdy Post Number: 4542 Registered: 01-2010 Posted From: 98.193.70.249 Rating: N/A |
teliyakapotaniki em ledu ... I Know what/who helped congress win the elections ... oppukovadaniki meeku manasu radu ... endukante odipoyindi meere kabatti ... | ||
Onlytruth Legend Username: Onlytruth Post Number: 64084 Registered: 01-2007 Posted From: 173.62.7.9 Rating: N/A |
congress...asalu argument kuda akkarledu andulo....... neeku tdp govt lo pani avvakapothe adhi caste problem aa ? ye vooru manadhi ? Rakta Charitra (4 parts) : Discover YSR http://kumarsbol.blogspot.com/2009/09/ysr-19492009-born-again-politician-1.html | ||
Newguy123 Hero Username: Newguy123 Post Number: 11404 Registered: 01-2009 Posted From: 67.84.99.245 Rating: N/A |
neeku telusu ani anukuntunnav  | ||
Rowdy Side Hero Username: Rowdy Post Number: 4541 Registered: 01-2010 Posted From: 98.193.70.249 Rating: N/A |
naku telusu ane cheppaanu gaa ... | ||
Rowdy Side Hero Username: Rowdy Post Number: 4540 Registered: 01-2010 Posted From: 98.193.70.249 Rating: N/A |
btw, ikkada topic caste politics penchina party edi ani ... I think I gave the answer ... pre-TDP and post-TDP andhra politics chuste chalu avagatamaipoddi ... indaka evaro cheppinattu db lo janabha ni chuste itte arthamaipoddi | ||
Newguy123 Hero Username: Newguy123 Post Number: 11402 Registered: 01-2009 Posted From: 67.84.99.245 Rating: N/A |
ade telusukuni rammandi.. | ||
Rowdy Side Hero Username: Rowdy Post Number: 4539 Registered: 01-2010 Posted From: 98.193.70.249 Rating: N/A |
nuvvu telusuko ... congress TRS ni kalavaniki, TDP kalavaniki teda leda? ... asalu TRS elaa form aindi? emanna kathalu cheppindaa? KCR kallu pattukunda poni? ... TRS ni pottu pottu ani adukkoledu gaa appudu ... sare appudu kuda mukki muligi gelichindaa? | ||
Onlytruth Legend Username: Onlytruth Post Number: 64083 Registered: 01-2007 Posted From: 173.62.7.9 Rating: N/A |
paper nadipevadu evadu vellaledhu private caste meetings ki...infact mana jagan reddy ne reddy sanghalani kalusthadu.....CBN nevver Rakta Charitra (4 parts) : Discover YSR http://kumarsbol.blogspot.com/2009/09/ysr-19492009-born-again-politician-1.html | ||
Guriginja Hero Username: Guriginja Post Number: 12236 Registered: 02-2008 Posted From: 59.93.122.84 Rating: N/A |
got to go enjoy!...ituvanti vasthavalu lakshallo vunnayi.....1994 - 2003 chusthe...bye... JOHAR YSR.....YSR AMAR RAHE | ||
Guriginja Hero Username: Guriginja Post Number: 12235 Registered: 02-2008 Posted From: 59.93.122.84 Rating: N/A |
jagan chowdary ani yevadanna oka tupasi paper nadipevadu kuda meeting aatend ayyada.... JOHAR YSR.....YSR AMAR RAHE | ||
Onlytruth Legend Username: Onlytruth Post Number: 64082 Registered: 01-2007 Posted From: 173.62.7.9 Rating: N/A |
2004 lo evarante bhayapadi potthulaki poyadu YSR ? pulihora voddhammaa........... Rakta Charitra (4 parts) : Discover YSR http://kumarsbol.blogspot.com/2009/09/ysr-19492009-born-again-politician-1.html | ||
Newguy123 Hero Username: Newguy123 Post Number: 11401 Registered: 01-2009 Posted From: 67.84.99.245 Rating: N/A |
2004 lo evaru ellaro telusukuni raa mundu.. | ||
Onlytruth Legend Username: Onlytruth Post Number: 64081 Registered: 01-2007 Posted From: 173.62.7.9 Rating: N/A |
JESUS kshamisthaada ? jesus pracharam musugu lo ysr pracharam cheyyadanni ? kshaminchadu, kshaminchaledhu kuda Rakta Charitra (4 parts) : Discover YSR http://kumarsbol.blogspot.com/2009/09/ysr-19492009-born-again-politician-1.html | ||
Rowdy Side Hero Username: Rowdy Post Number: 4538 Registered: 01-2010 Posted From: 98.193.70.249 Rating: N/A |
2009 lo evarante bhayapadi pottulaki poyaru? appatidaka samaikyavadam to undi 2yrs research ani T ani TRS ani, CPI/CPM ni ... evarante bhayapadi pottulaki poyaru cheppu ... votes split, haha ... ee comedy kaburlu enni sarlu chebtaru? ... pedavadante pagavadu anukune babu lantodiki YS ki polika endeha ... aa 7 mlas majority kuda kevalam YS vallane ayindi ani telusanukunta ... podduna evaro adigaru, YS lekapyi unte PRP ki enni vachevani ... appudu kuda ade kadaa mee paristiti | ||
Guriginja Hero Username: Guriginja Post Number: 12234 Registered: 02-2008 Posted From: 59.93.122.84 Rating: N/A |
konni guriginjalaki yerupu avaginja antha kuda vundadu....antha nalupe....lol.....jagan velladu lekunte inkodu velladu ani kaadhu....siggu lekunda so called big wigs and so called heart and soul of AP velli siggulekunda "okkari kosam andaru..andari kosam okkaru" annaru..atta ani vunnaremo seppu.....lol JOHAR YSR.....YSR AMAR RAHE | ||
Onlytruth Legend Username: Onlytruth Post Number: 64080 Registered: 01-2007 Posted From: 173.62.7.9 Rating: N/A |
Alludu Anil ni mata sanghaala meedhaki vadili maa YSR ki voteyyandi ani matapracharam lo vishapracharam jesina neechudu evadu ? Rakta Charitra (4 parts) : Discover YSR http://kumarsbol.blogspot.com/2009/09/ysr-19492009-born-again-politician-1.html | ||
Onlytruth Legend Username: Onlytruth Post Number: 64079 Registered: 01-2007 Posted From: 173.62.7.9 Rating: N/A |
jagan with reddy seva samithi photos chupisthe gajji yedhava meme ani oppukuntava ? lastfew days search jesthe chaalu Rakta Charitra (4 parts) : Discover YSR http://kumarsbol.blogspot.com/2009/09/ysr-19492009-born-again-politician-1.html | ||
Onlytruth Legend Username: Onlytruth Post Number: 64078 Registered: 01-2007 Posted From: 173.62.7.9 Rating: |
Jagan aa ? Rakta Charitra (4 parts) : Discover YSR http://kumarsbol.blogspot.com/2009/09/ysr-19492009-born-again-politician-1.html | ||
Onlytruth Legend Username: Onlytruth Post Number: 64077 Registered: 01-2007 Posted From: 173.62.7.9 Rating: N/A |
YSR ni ante nuvvu caste ni antaava ? endukanta frustration 3 days nunchi....ysr rakta charitra anthaa bayatakochindhi....DB lo intaku mundhu laga mana pulihora batch kalipe pulihora workout kavadam ledhu ana ? Rakta Charitra (4 parts) : Discover YSR http://kumarsbol.blogspot.com/2009/09/ysr-19492009-born-again-politician-1.html | ||
Guriginja Hero Username: Guriginja Post Number: 12233 Registered: 02-2008 Posted From: 59.93.122.84 Rating: N/A |
peoples representativs ga vunte kula sabha pettukoni...oka paper naduputhunna vedhava and other big wigs who shamelessly said...okkari kosam andaru..andari kosam okkaru anna vaalle yedavalu...any doubts.... JOHAR YSR.....YSR AMAR RAHE | ||
Pulpfiction Hero Username: Pulpfiction Post Number: 13203 Registered: 02-2009 Posted From: 128.107.239.233 Rating: N/A |
ha ha .. iruku sofa ekkina CBN ni gelipisthaaru janam anukunnaaara ? No Compromise .. | ||
Onlytruth Legend Username: Onlytruth Post Number: 64076 Registered: 01-2007 Posted From: 173.62.7.9 Rating: N/A |
ninnane ekkado jagan with reddy seva samithi photos chusaa guriginja id ki taggatte pakkanolla meedha edupu.... power vochaaka kirasthaani vanni maa vadu ani cheppukunna ghanatha manadhi...kiki Rakta Charitra (4 parts) : Discover YSR http://kumarsbol.blogspot.com/2009/09/ysr-19492009-born-again-politician-1.html | ||
Guriginja Hero Username: Guriginja Post Number: 12232 Registered: 02-2008 Posted From: 59.93.122.84 Rating: N/A |
sakranga post lo saduvu...kulagajji ani yedupulu yevaru vesaro first.....kanapada ledha.....lolo...lol......kinda hyd riots ki NJR karanam ani rasadu...yedupu taruvatha yedudduvu......YSR ni anatam manuko article susi sankalu guddukune mundhu....lol JOHAR YSR.....YSR AMAR RAHE | ||
Onlytruth Legend Username: Onlytruth Post Number: 64075 Registered: 01-2007 Posted From: 173.62.7.9 Rating: N/A |
CM ga unnappudu chaste sibu soren kuda high position lo poinatte...ika single handed ante CBN 1999 lo gelichinattu gelavale......ante gani 2009 lo ysr laaga mukki mooligi chiru daya thoo anti votes split ayyi just 7 MLA seats majority tho gelavadam kaadhu Rakta Charitra (4 parts) : Discover YSR http://kumarsbol.blogspot.com/2009/09/ysr-19492009-born-again-politician-1.html | ||
Guriginja Hero Username: Guriginja Post Number: 12231 Registered: 02-2008 Posted From: 59.93.122.84 Rating: |
power ki dooram ga vunna krishna madiga, lekunte oka krishnaiha lekunte inko mala meeting petti manam antha okkati ga vundali ante artham hesukovacchu...for about a decade continuous power enjoy chesi...power poyina tellari city center lo AC yesukoni mari kula meeting pettukunnaru...paper lo nadipe vaallu so called world famous kakarla and other big wigs....THAT SPEAKS A LOT....A LOT.....power madham ruchi marigi......tounge slip ayyi public ga maa antha puddings leru ani oka aswini dutt, oka murthy, oka MM annarante....vaalla paristhithi artham chesukovacchu....state ni nasanam chesaru.....malli yadava cuttings ki takkuva ledhu....... JOHAR YSR.....YSR AMAR RAHE | ||
Onlytruth Legend Username: Onlytruth Post Number: 64074 Registered: 01-2007 Posted From: 173.62.7.9 Rating: N/A |
ikkada party la paina discussion jarugutonte, private castes/private meetings paina nee edupendhi ? kammas meeting pettukunte neeku noppenti ? evadu yadavalu? govt sommu tinamarigina yedhavalu em jesi poyaaro chusaam ga ee state ni Rakta Charitra (4 parts) : Discover YSR http://kumarsbol.blogspot.com/2009/09/ysr-19492009-born-again-politician-1.html | ||
Rowdy Side Hero Username: Rowdy Post Number: 4537 Registered: 01-2010 Posted From: 98.193.70.249 Rating: N/A |
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Ntr_rocks Hero Username: Ntr_rocks Post Number: 11417 Registered: 04-2009 Posted From: 68.52.68.177 Rating: N/A |
 If you don't like Something, Change it. If you can't Change it, Change the way you think about it. | ||
Guriginja Hero Username: Guriginja Post Number: 12230 Registered: 02-2008 Posted From: 59.93.122.84 Rating: N/A |
siggu yeggu lekunda chesi..andariki nerpincharu.....rajakeeyalu brastu pattina...media brastu pattina daniki karanam tdp and characterless people like ramoji....siggu chetu.......anni vippithe tala yekkada pettukovalo yethukkovala.....but I also blame the other parties.....and leaders for that.....vuthiki aaresi vundalsindhi.....vaallu anthe..vaallu anthe ani TDP lo vundi kuda ane vallu but yemi chese vaaru kaadu....vaalla adruthamo....veella chethagani thanamo theleedu....but it worked well for them. JOHAR YSR.....YSR AMAR RAHE | ||
Rowdy Side Hero Username: Rowdy Post Number: 4535 Registered: 01-2010 Posted From: 98.193.70.249 Rating: N/A |
eeka laa udipadesadu 1994 lo sonta alludu, santanam kalisi ... single handed ga party ni gelipinchi oka high-position lo undaga chachipoyadu YS ... 5yrs bench undesariki ginjukuni evadito padite vadito pottu pettukuni inka bench meedane unnadu ... ippudu cheppu evaru eeka? | ||
Guriginja Hero Username: Guriginja Post Number: 12229 Registered: 02-2008 Posted From: 59.93.122.84 Rating: N/A |
ha ha sangalu vundadam OK....vaallu oka meeting city center lo daniki papers nadipe yadavalu, irrespective of parties politicians vacchi...andarikosam okkaru..okkari kosam andaru ani siggulekunda ani vunte chupinchu vustha aaa yadava na dash gaallani kuda....chupincha levu.....leru kanuka..lol JOHAR YSR.....YSR AMAR RAHE | ||
Rowdy Side Hero Username: Rowdy Post Number: 4534 Registered: 01-2010 Posted From: 98.193.70.249 Rating: N/A |
 ... I don't know about the rich people ... middle class/lower-middle class ... sachivalayam ki pote idilinchukuni potaru ... aa tag unte chalu special interest ... 10 years TDP govt. lo jaragani panulu maku, maa relatives ki congress govt. ragane 1 year lo anni ayipoyayi ... ofcourse, money involvement lenide emi avvadu anuko (panulu ante evo donga panulu anukuneru ... normal paddatilo legal gaa jaragalsinave ) | ||
Onlytruth Legend Username: Onlytruth Post Number: 64073 Registered: 01-2007 Posted From: 173.62.7.9 Rating: N/A |
reddy sangham maloom hai tereko ? Rakta Charitra (4 parts) : Discover YSR http://kumarsbol.blogspot.com/2009/09/ysr-19492009-born-again-politician-1.html | ||
Guriginja Hero Username: Guriginja Post Number: 12228 Registered: 02-2008 Posted From: 59.93.122.84 Rating: N/A |
power leni lower sections like BC, SC, ST vargalu power kosam kula meetings pettarante artham chesukovacchu......but almost 10yrs continuous poweer enjoy chesi...adhi pothe shake shakeela ayipoyi hyd nagara nadiboddulo kula meeting pettaru...."ANDARI KOSAM OKKARU.....OKKARI KOSAM ANDARU" ani goppaga oka slogal tayaru sesukoni mari.....state/desam lo vuna kamma peddalandaru attend ayyaru...including several politicians, industrialists, ramoji andthe great kakarla too....nisigguga...anthakante siggu chetu ledhu....THAT TELLS A LOT. JOHAR YSR.....YSR AMAR RAHE | ||
Newguy123 Hero Username: Newguy123 Post Number: 11398 Registered: 01-2009 Posted From: 67.84.99.245 Rating: N/A |
inka ekkuva chesarle tarvatha.. | ||
Onlytruth Legend Username: Onlytruth Post Number: 64072 Registered: 01-2007 Posted From: 173.62.7.9 Rating: N/A |
desanni matam peru tho, andhra ni kulaala gabbu tho jesindhi mee dikkumaalina congress ye..... ysr oka eeka congress lo....he too continued the same SAGA Rakta Charitra (4 parts) : Discover YSR http://kumarsbol.blogspot.com/2009/09/ysr-19492009-born-again-politician-1.html | ||
Rowdy Side Hero Username: Rowdy Post Number: 4533 Registered: 01-2010 Posted From: 98.193.70.249 Rating: N/A |
ho ho ho ... lekapote papam notlo veledite kuda korakaleru mari ... deeniki articles akkarledu, roju yellow media chuste chalu dasabdhala charitra antaa telustadi | ||
Eluri_kurradu Side Hero Username: Eluri_kurradu Post Number: 9892 Registered: 02-2008 Posted From: 173.30.2.223 Rating: |
asala matham perutho edava lafangi panulu chesinde congress muslims ki muslim acts enduko oka country oka citizenship oka rule lekunda vallaki minorities rakshana ani vote bank politics nadiparu .. naduputhune unnaru .. Caste levello eppatnincho naduputunnaru .. ardikamganu sankya balam unna castes ki politics lo protsaham ichi feelings pencharu Migatha parties merely followed the suit anthe .. Congress gabbu pattinchindi deshanni ..  Ee roju puttina roju jarupukuntunna vallaki janma dina subhakankshalu Pelli roju variki pelliroju subha kankshalu .. | ||
Guriginja Hero Username: Guriginja Post Number: 12227 Registered: 02-2008 Posted From: 59.93.122.84 Rating: N/A |
kammollaki tappa yevadiki panulu jaraga ledhu......agriculture university lo every OC post went to a kamma....manodu vunnadu ante.....rooster system marchi, kottha GO's issue chesi mari post lu iccharu...intha neechanga chesina ganatha yevvariki ledhu...shameless govts......govt ane padaniki artham marchesaru. JOHAR YSR.....YSR AMAR RAHE | ||
Onlytruth Legend Username: Onlytruth Post Number: 64071 Registered: 01-2007 Posted From: 173.62.7.9 Rating: N/A |
cong vallu tdp ni d leka vividha kulala madhyana(NOT only kamma vs kapu) chicchu pettaaru...society lo kula vaishamyaalu penchi poshincharu.....daniki evari articles akkarledhu... Rakta Charitra (4 parts) : Discover YSR http://kumarsbol.blogspot.com/2009/09/ysr-19492009-born-again-politician-1.html | ||
Guriginja Hero Username: Guriginja Post Number: 12226 Registered: 02-2008 Posted From: 59.93.122.84 Rating: N/A |
cha.....migilinavi anni correct, adhi maatram tappa....lol...lool....he became CM ani kuda rasadu next sentence lo kanapada ledha....manaki nacchakunte tappu...lekunte oppu....lol lol..nenu danni kuda nammanu but article sadivi sankalu guddukoni roju adi cheppi YSR ni ane vaallu....matladali ippudu....adhi cheppindi mana VH gadanta....VH, kaka ante maa sedda ruchi batch ki vaallu yedi seppina correct...lol JOHAR YSR.....YSR AMAR RAHE | ||
Rowdy Side Hero Username: Rowdy Post Number: 4532 Registered: 01-2010 Posted From: 98.193.70.249 Rating: N/A |
ippatiki chebtaanu ... oka non-kamma secretariat ki velte tana pani mugiyadaniki congress govt aite lancham(dabbu) to pani avuddi ... kani TDP govt lo unte kulam role chala important factor untundi ... ivi self-experiences to cheppinadi ... evaru kaadanna idi satyam | ||
Guriginja Hero Username: Guriginja Post Number: 12225 Registered: 02-2008 Posted From: 59.93.122.84 Rating: N/A |
ala chesindhi yevaro chala mandiki rtelusu doubt lekunda....78 lo power isthe kukkallaga kottukoni guttuga 2yrs vundalekha poyaru...matham perutho desanni devide chesadru.....inko 30yrs mundu vunte inkem chese vaalloo...... JOHAR YSR.....YSR AMAR RAHE | ||
Newguy123 Hero Username: Newguy123 Post Number: 11396 Registered: 01-2009 Posted From: 67.84.99.245 Rating: N/A |
peru tappu padinattu vundi.. NJR faction leader enti? | ||
Rowdy Side Hero Username: Rowdy Post Number: 4531 Registered: 01-2010 Posted From: 98.193.70.249 Rating: N/A |
national level lo matadaka ... state level lo eti chesindi? ... TDP nadipina caste politics to poliste assalu nothing comparable | ||
Guriginja Hero Username: Guriginja Post Number: 12224 Registered: 02-2008 Posted From: 59.93.122.84 Rating: N/A |
tuglag gaallu andaru gumpu gatti center lo govt form chesi desanni 50yrs venakki nettaru......kulala chicchu ragilincharu...sigga yegga...power kosam yenatakanikayina ready ayye neech batch chethilo desam alladi poyindhi. JOHAR YSR.....YSR AMAR RAHE | ||
Guriginja Hero Username: Guriginja Post Number: 12223 Registered: 02-2008 Posted From: 59.93.122.84 Rating: N/A |
pakkanodiki seppe mundhu chata baratham manam sakranga sadavadam melanukunta lol...lol...
hyd riots ki YSR ni ane vaallu ye maatram samskaram, siggu lajja vunna YSR ni anna daniki apologise cheyyali.....chata baratham susi sankalu guddukune mundu.....lol...lol JOHAR YSR.....YSR AMAR RAHE | ||
Guriginja Hero Username: Guriginja Post Number: 12222 Registered: 02-2008 Posted From: 59.93.122.84 Rating: N/A |
assalu mandal aggi ragilindhi nortrh lo....not that much in AP...ee article rasina bodi munda mandal riots kuda state govt kathalo vesadu...lol...lol....mandal mantaki karanam central govt lo vunaa daridrulu.....daridrula gumpuki chairman NTR..kikiki... JOHAR YSR.....YSR AMAR RAHE | ||
Eluri_kurradu Side Hero Username: Eluri_kurradu Post Number: 9889 Registered: 02-2008 Posted From: 173.30.2.223 Rating: N/A |
toseyyadam endi? Congress janalni divide and rule policy to vote bank rajakeeyalu nadipindi .. kula rajakeeyalu nadipindi .. matha paramaina rajakeeyalu nadipindi .. desanni gabbu pattinchindi country congress naaku ee vishyam lo no doubt Ee roju puttina roju jarupukuntunna vallaki janma dina subhakankshalu Pelli roju variki pelliroju subha kankshalu .. | ||
Rowdy Side Hero Username: Rowdy Post Number: 4527 Registered: 01-2010 Posted From: 98.193.70.249 Rating: N/A |
congress meeda ki tosesaraa? | ||
Newguy123 Hero Username: Newguy123 Post Number: 11386 Registered: 01-2009 Posted From: 67.84.99.245 Rating: N/A |
motham chadive opika ippudu ee time lo ledu kaani, evaro nuvve cheppu.. nenu congress anukuntunna.. | ||
Stud Comedian Username: Stud Post Number: 1957 Registered: 04-2008 Posted From: 75.73.129.107 Rating: N/A |
Some Ajeernams @ Simha 1st Day::: @Coke..Kr vijaya hairstyle graphics emo ani doubt ga undi, @Dhar..N Fans okkadiki raktha kanneru choopisthaa if et all they counter me, @Pavala..sky gadiki samskaram entehe, @Chantod..Arikatlani emayyina ante Ammalakkalu D'tha.. | ||
Kosthabidda Side Hero Username: Kosthabidda Post Number: 4466 Registered: 02-2007 Posted From: 124.123.244.133 Rating: N/A |
its ok brother | ||
Powerfull Side Hero Username: Powerfull Post Number: 4444 Registered: 02-2008 Posted From: 209.119.116.24 Rating: N/A |
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Kadapanagfan Megastar Username: Kadapanagfan Post Number: 26035 Registered: 12-2006 Posted From: 75.187.116.77 Rating: N/A |
Kostabiddda,Sorrry.MODS pls delete my post.!!Again i am so sorrry kostabiddda!!! Powerful inko sari ilanti Qs adakkkku http://www.youtube.com/watch?v=qJ6M_RQM3P4 | ||
Powerfull Side Hero Username: Powerfull Post Number: 4443 Registered: 02-2008 Posted From: 209.119.116.24 Rating: N/A |
On a serious note, papam VJA vallu em chesaru, evaru takkuva kaadu. Janalni ekkada nokkalo akkada nokkaru Cong vallu, perfect work ayyindi. | ||
Powerfull Side Hero Username: Powerfull Post Number: 4442 Registered: 02-2008 Posted From: 209.119.116.24 Rating: N/A |
Seems like you are one of them Pulp  | ||
Kosthabidda Side Hero Username: Kosthabidda Post Number: 4465 Registered: 02-2007 Posted From: 124.123.244.133 Rating: N/A |
basu motham vij vallandarni generalise seyyatam bagoledhu kadapa lo undevallantha factonists ala aithe? | ||
Kadapanagfan Megastar Username: Kadapanagfan Post Number: 26034 Registered: 12-2006 Posted From: 75.187.116.77 Rating: |
Straight ga idey irrrespective of caste http://www.youtube.com/watch?v=qJ6M_RQM3P4 | ||
Pulpfiction Hero Username: Pulpfiction Post Number: 13195 Registered: 02-2009 Posted From: 171.68.87.79 Rating: N/A |
DB lo kontha mandhi ..  No Compromise .. | ||
Powerfull Side Hero Username: Powerfull Post Number: 4441 Registered: 02-2008 Posted From: 209.119.116.24 Rating: N/A |
Clear ga & straight ga cheppu Knf. VJA valla? TDP valla? BJP valla? Oka particular caste aa? | ||
Kadapanagfan Megastar Username: Kadapanagfan Post Number: 26032 Registered: 12-2006 Posted From: 75.187.116.77 Rating: |
Adi sepppadaniki motttam matter chadavala????mimmalni choostey cheppppa lemu antava??? http://www.youtube.com/watch?v=qJ6M_RQM3P4 | ||
Side Hero Username: Twitter Post Number: 2359 Registered: 10-2009 Posted From: 67.84.98.23 Rating: N/A |
antha chadhive opikallevu kaani moodu mukkallo evaru chesaro cheppu | ||
Pulpfiction Hero Username: Pulpfiction Post Number: 13193 Registered: 02-2009 Posted From: 171.68.87.79 Rating: |
vjwasi thammudoo .. anantapur zilla lo boya,kuruba lanu R's meedha against gaa groom chesina sangathi pettaaaadaa indulo ? pettakapothe cheppu ... whole series ni lite teeskuntaaa .. No Compromise .. | ||
Vjavasi Side Hero Username: Vjavasi Post Number: 3207 Registered: 11-2009 Posted From: 75.131.192.17 Rating: N/A |
kindha matter motham chadivina taruvatha alochinchandi andhra desham lo kula gajji evaru spread chesaro | ||
Vjavasi Side Hero Username: Vjavasi Post Number: 3206 Registered: 11-2009 Posted From: 75.131.192.17 Rating: N/A |
Ouster of NTR 6 Politics of Pragmatism The fact that NTR, the patriarch of the TDP, was ignominously removed from power and party position his party MLAs and Ministers in a surreptitious revolt only a few after months of his massive election victory in December 1994, was a major paradox in Andhra Pradesh State politics. It was again a paradox that Chandrababu, NTR’s younger son-in-law, who played a crucial role in ‘guarding’ the TDP MLAs from deserting NTR during the ‘coup’ against him in 1984, for which NTR publicly expressed his gratitude, was the central figure in this revolt against him in August 1995. The removal of NTR and the assumption of the twin offices of Chief Minister and Party President by Chandrababu Naidu (hereafter Chandrababu) marked the end of an era of charismatic, populist and autocratic politics and the beginning of a new political phase in Andhra Pradesh, characterised by pragmatism and economic reform. Paradoxes exhibit seemingly contradictory qualities, but they have their own rationale. In a way, the ouster of NTR could be seen (with hindsight of course) as the tragic outcome of NTR’s politics itself. The evolution of the TDP as a party showed how a democratic upsurge among the people could be used, in the name of mass democracy, to establish an autocratic regime. Although NTR lambasted the Congress for perpetuating family rule over the country, he pursued the same line much more vigorously in Andhra Pradesh. Under the prevailing conditions in which political power was treated by the top ruling elite as property to be bequeathed at their will to their family members, the inheritance of power became an issue during the lifetime of NTR himself. On one occasion, he designated his actor-son, Balakrishna, his political heir. Two of his sons-in-law, who occupied crucial positions in the party, did not relish this dynastic wish. In addition, the growing authority of his much-maligned wife, who was so dear to NTR, perturbed his other family members and some senior leaders of the party. The Ministers and MLAs were also unhappy as NTR reduced them to non-entities and did not allow them to use patronage and power to get things done for themselves and their supporters. There was also growing resentment among the elite, given the shifting policy environment in the country, against his ‘populist’ schemes that they now thought were burdensome, unproductive and anti-development. They saw in Chandrababu, the Revenue and Finance Minister in NTR’s Cabinet, a prudent and pragmatic leader with views commensurable to the emergent paradigm of economic development. When NTR was previously overthrown in 1984, it was projected as the murder of democracy. This time in 1995 however, there was much pity but no mass upsurge. NTR toured the State, bemoaning his fate and imploring the people to fight for his restoration, but to no avail. The whole affair was passed off as an event of episodic significance, or as just a family matter (Balagopal, 1995). Ironically, when the scene was being set in Hyderabad for upstaging him, NTR was busy with the ‘Government at People’s Doorstep’ (Prajala Mungita Palana) programme in a north coastal district, along with some government officials, Ministers and party workers. He had not even the slightest intimation of the impending revolt against him until it was all over. The danger for an autocratic ruler is that all appears to be well as he/she reigns supreme and the surrounding flatterers make him/her believe that he/she is truly a great man/woman. In the process, the autocrat throws all democratic norms to the wind, personalises power, systematically destroys democratic institutions, stifles all dissent and criticism, including any that is helpful to the healthy functioning of the party and government, because he/she sees them as unnecessary impediments. Gradually he/she becomes alienated from people, disaffection brews in the party and bursts into the open when it reaches a critical point. Those who lie low, but waiting for an opportunity, now act with vengeance and great force, throwing down the ‘big boss’ from his/her pedestal. The entire aura, charm and the hallowed status of this ‘superhuman’ seem to vanish and he/she suddenly appears to everyone as somewhat less than an ordinary mortal. When the calamity befalls him/her, he/she finds himself discarded as a spent material, forlorn and deserted. Thus NTR became a victim of the conditions he himself had 38 engendered in the party and government. His political career should remain a lesson to any politician in the country. | ||
Vjavasi Side Hero Username: Vjavasi Post Number: 3205 Registered: 11-2009 Posted From: 75.131.192.17 Rating: N/A |
The women’s movement for prohibition of arrack (cheap liquor) was another important social movement in the 1990s (Narasimha Reddy and Patnaik, 1993; Ilaiah, 1992). Arrack contractors, united into syndicates, became a powerful lobby in State politics, funding the political parties and candidates in elections, including those of the communist parties. A good number of liquor contractors were politicians themselves, either directly or under fictitious names (benami), or they were close relatives of the politicians or the real force behind some legislators and Ministers. After the TDP came into power, the government took over the production and distribution of arrack in the State, giving it a beautiful name, ‘varuni vahini’ (stream of liquor). In order to augment revenue from the liquor business, the TDP government auctioned shops throughout the villages. Government revenue from arrack sale, which was Rs1500 million in 1982, shot up to the staggering amount of Rs6300 million in 1991. It was estimated at that time that around Rs14,000 million were transferred annually from arrack consumers, who were mostly labourers and poor people, into the hands of contractors, of which 45% went to the government. The contractors therefore appropriated nearly Rs8000 million every year. Imagine a situation where the government made arrangements, to overcome resistance from people agitating against arrack sales, for selling it in police stations in Telengana region! The network of arrack contractors and sub-contractors was very extensive from the State capital to the village level, to maximise arrack sales with all necessary employment of muscle power to carry on the business and bribing of the administration. As a result, consumption of arrack increased by several-fold, household economies of the lower classes were ruined and family problems increased. The rural women, who were the worst victims of the arrack menace, organised themselves in the villages, attacked arrack shops and prevented the government from conducting their auctions. The police mercilessly beat the women and large-scale arrests were made in November 1992. The hirelings and musclemen of the contractors disturbed the sit-in strikes (dharnas) held by the women agitators by attacking them with lathis (heavy wooden sticks). The active participation of the Left parties in the agitation gave it momentum. With an eye on ‘women votes’, NTR extended support to the agitation, although liquor consumption actually became a problem during his regime. In the midst of the agitation, the government sanctioned another 12 distilleries to private agencies. As there was a huge public outcry, and as pressure from women agitators mounted, the Excise Minister resigned from the Ministry and the Assembly. The nexus between the politicians, bureaucrats, contractors and the police was exposed during the agitation. In the by-elections in April 1993, prohibition became an important issue. The government was finally forced to introduce partial prohibition in April 1993 in Nellore district, where the agitation had started and was widespread, and from October 1993 throughout the State. But sufficient damage had already been done to the Congress electoral prospects. Total prohibition (of arrack as well as Indian Made Foreign Liquor (IMFL)) became an important issue in the 1994 Assembly election and it was considered a major factor in swinging the women vote in favour of the TDP in its spectacular victory. | ||
Vjavasi Side Hero Username: Vjavasi Post Number: 3204 Registered: 11-2009 Posted From: 75.131.192.17 Rating: N/A |
With the arrival of Kanshi Ram on the political scene of Andhra Pradesh, dalit politics were expected to take a new shape. Cashing in on the emergence of a strong dalit movement from 1985 to 1993, Kanshi Ram called for an end to the erstwhile pattern of the dominant castes enjoying power using the dalit votes. He wanted to capture political power through electoral means, ending generations of dependence and subservience to the Brahmanic castes – in the Andhra Pradesh context and according to dalit leaders, the Brahmans included the Kammas, the Reddis, the Kapus, the Velamas, etc., apart from the three dwija castes in the classical Hindu social hierarchy. Several leaders of the Dalit Mahasabha (a socio-political organisation of the dalits) some independent dalit leaders, and some former Naxalite activists joined the BSP in Andhra Pradesh. The middle-class sections that emerged among the scheduled castes lent support. Although some BC leaders initially showed interest in the BSP, they later turned lukewarm or left the party. The BSP thus largely remained a party of the dalits, although according to Kanshi Ram, the concept of bahujans (literally, ‘the underprivileged multitude’. The concept includes people who belong to backward castes, Scheduled Castes, Scheduled Tribes and minorities. It is now mostly used by the BSP and refers to dalits) is a broad one that includes people who belong to backward castes, scheduled castes, scheduled tribes and minorities. The BSP accused the uppercaste leaders of the TDP and the Congress of perpetuating the rule of the dominant castes by building alliances of caste elites. The CPI, the CPM and some leaders of Left extremist groups were critical of organising the dalits on the basis of mere caste consciousness. The Congress Party appointed a dalit leader as Deputy Chief Minister as a symbolic gesture in the hope of attracting and retaining electoral support among the dalits. Hopes as well as fears were raised during the early 1990s about the possibility of the BSP emerging as a major force in the State politics (Srinivasulu, 1994). As an anti-climax of the drive to carve out an autonomous role for bahujans in Andhra Pradesh politics came reports of a clandestine deal between the Congress and the BSP for a 35 Congress victory in the 1994 Assembly elections. The BSP was effectively a non-starter in the elections – it secured only 1.3% of the vote, losing deposits in all except two of the constituencies it contested. Around the same time, the representatives of the BCs began to have a larger role in politics, especially after the TDP came to power. A feeling of resentment among the BCs in the State grew against the Congress Party during the 1970s. They perceived that the Congress Party was more interested in wooing the SC voters, that the welfare and developmental programmes introduced by the government had mainly benefited the SCs and that the problems of the BCs were neglected, although they too suffered from socio-economic backwardness. Due to such resentment, the BCs, it is said, voted overwhelmingly for the TDP in the 1983 elections. The TDP also accommodated BC candidates in good number – there were 61 MLAs from BCs in 1983 and 59 MLAs in 1985. During the TDP rule, the Congress leaders tried their utmost to attract the BC vote by organising meetings of various backward caste associations. This task was assigned to the respective Congress leaders. In order to counter the Congress’ moves, the TDP government accepted, in July 1986, the Muralidhara Rao Commission Report on reservations for backward castes in education and employment and raised the reservations for the BCs from 25% to 44%. NTR neither cared to gather a consensus on reservation quota for the BCs nor consulted other parties in this matter. His decision was hasty, lacked conviction and was a part of the political game of one-upmanship. Those who opposed the enhancement of the quota formed the Nava Sangharsha Samithi and launched an agitation opposing the government decision. The pro-reservationists formed another body – Sarva Sangrama Parishad (SSP) – to defend the rise in reservation quota. The State was engulfed in a caste conflagration for two months during August/September 1986. While the majority of the Congress leaders whipped up feelings against the TDP government, the upper-caste party cadres of the Congress actively supported the anti-reservation agitation. However, some Congress leaders supported the increase but decried the opportunistic way in which the TDP government made the decision. Later a three-judge Bench of the Andhra Pradesh High Court struck down the increase as unconstitutional. Faced with the wrath of the anti-reservationists, NTR took shelter under the Court decision and withdrew the Government Order with equal haste. This episode clearly revealed the politics of reservation policy in the State – it showed how the interest groups based on caste defined justice in a way that suited them and thus brought pressure to bear on the government to bestow benefits on them, and how the political class sought to use governmental power either to demand or enact laws in the name of social justice, but actually to suit their own interest, i.e., to keep power to themselves. From the early 1990s, various BCs began to organise State-level meetings to articulate their economic and political demands, attended by the Congress Chief Minister and his Cabinet colleagues. To meet the rising aspirations among the BCs, V. Hanumantha Rao, a BC leader, was appointed APCC President by Rajiv Gandhi. He became an aspirant and strong contender for Chief Minister’s post after Channa Reddy’s exit. Later, Majji Tulasi Das, a BC, was made APCC President. Vijayabhaskara Reddy had to expand his Ministry to include one Member from each major BC community in the State. After the BSP–SP victory in the Uttar Pradesh Assembly election, the Congress leaders in Andhra Pradesh began to talk about the need for giving more space to the BCs in the power structure. When M. Padmanabham, a Kapu MLA, launched an agitation for inclusion of Kapus in the BC list, the Congress government issued orders in August 1994, just on the eve of the Assembly elections, including not only the Kapus but also the Muslims in the backward classes. But the move was opposed by the BC representatives, who felt that inclusion of the Kapus – a forward community – in the BCs list would adversely affect their interests. All political parties in Andhra Pradesh made a conscious effort, under mounting pressure, to give more importance to the BCs and accommodate a greater number of leaders from these castes in party committees and government positions. | ||
Vjavasi Side Hero Username: Vjavasi Post Number: 3203 Registered: 11-2009 Posted From: 75.131.192.17 Rating: N/A |
The fact that these attacks took place not in a backward area but in the fertile plains and in relatively more developed villages show that the processes of modernisation and democratisation do not in 34 themselves obviate the caste tensions, and in fact, may even exacerbate them. The awakening among the dalits and the leadership potential of its movement had been strong from the early decades of the 20th century. The development of agriculture and the corresponding educational and employment opportunities and urban exposure benefited the dalits to some extent. The role of the Christian missionaries in the uplift of these sections, in taking them out from the oppressive Hindu fold, giving them confidence and self-respect cannot be ignored in this context. Since Independence, a small middle class began to grow among the dalits, consisting especially of government officers and other employees, literati, salaried persons, and those in legal and other professions. The democratic politics made it possible for the leaders from the dalits to exercise some amount of political power, although more often as junior partners of the dominant elites. Those among the dalits who had acquired some land, received an education, and been employed in government service and had urban work experience resented the traditional attitudes of the members of peasant castes towards them. Since the law lays down total equality of citizens they demand equal treatment. The attitudes of the so-called upper caste persons have been undergoing change, but the problem is that the pace at which the members of the peasant castes reconcile to the changing realities and the demands of a democratic polity do not often match. In rural areas, the refusal of many dalits to adhere to the traditional norms of deference towards the members of the upper castes became a source of tension. Thus, in large parts of rural Andhra Pradesh, an atmosphere of perpetual tension between the peasant communities, be it the Kammas, Kapus, Reddis, Velamas, Rajus, or Yadavas on the one hand and the dalits on the other began to develop. Socially forbidden attitudes towards women or illicit relations between members of these communities often provided emotional and immediate factors for these tensions to flare up. The attacks in Karamchedu and Chunduru villages represented the violent expression of this widespread tension between these social groups at large. Dalit assertion of a different type was noticed in some districts of Telengana, where the Naxalite groups are active. With the arrival of Kanshi Ram on the political scene of Andhra Pradesh, dalit politics were expected to take a new shape. Cashing in on the emergence of a strong dalit movement from 1985 to 1993, Kanshi Ram called for an end to the erstwhile pattern of the dominant castes enjoying power using the dalit votes. He wanted to capture political power through electoral means, ending generations of dependence and subservience to the Brahmanic castes – in the Andhra Pradesh context and according to dalit leaders, the Brahmans included the Kammas, the Reddis, the Kapus, the Velamas, etc., apart from the three dwija castes in the classical Hindu social hierarchy. Several leaders of the Dalit Mahasabha (a socio-political organisation of the dalits) some independent dalit leaders, and some former Naxalite activists joined the BSP in Andhra Pradesh. The middle-class sections that emerged among the scheduled castes lent support. Although some BC leaders initially showed interest in the BSP, they later turned lukewarm or left the party. The BSP thus largely remained a party of the dalits, although according to Kanshi Ram, the concept of bahujans (literally, ‘the underprivileged multitude’. The concept includes people who belong to backward castes, Scheduled Castes, Scheduled Tribes and minorities. It is now mostly used by the BSP and refers to dalits) is a broad one that includes people who belong to backward castes, scheduled castes, scheduled tribes and minorities. The BSP accused the uppercaste leaders of the TDP and the Congress of perpetuating the rule of the dominant castes by building alliances | ||
Vjavasi Side Hero Username: Vjavasi Post Number: 3202 Registered: 11-2009 Posted From: 75.131.192.17 Rating: N/A |
TDP's 1994 victory Belying all projections and predictions in the media, the TDP scored a massive victory in the 1994 Assembly elections (Suri, 1995). The TDP achieved a three-quarters majority in the Assembly on its own, winning 219 seats out of the 251 it contested, and more than four-fifths of the seats won by the allies were added. The Left parties, the allies of the TDP, won in 34 constituencies. TDP’s success rate (candidates contested and won) of 87%, as compared to 76% of the Congress in 1972, was a record in Andhra Pradesh’s electoral history. The TDP and its allies swept the polls in all the three regions, winning 120 (out of 133) in coastal Andhra, 42 (out of 52) in Rayalaseema and 91 (out of 107) in Telengana. In this election, the Congress had the dubious record of winning the lowest number of seats (26) and not being in a position to claim the status of an officially recognised opposition party in the State Assembly. The Congress failed to win a single seat in 11 districts, seven of them being in the Telengana region. The TDP and its allies, CPI and CPM, polled 51.3% of the valid votes (the TDP, on its own, achieved 44.8% of the vote), while the Congress polled 33.6%, similar to the low vote it polled in the 1983 elections (Table 3). Compared to the 1989 Assembly election, when it polled 45.3% of the vote, the Congress lost 11.7 percentage points in the 1994 elections. It was not simply the defeat, but the magnitude of the Congress defeat that was significant. Some attributed the TDP success to the charismatic appeal of NTR, the trust of the poor in his resolve to implement welfare schemes and his pro-peasant and pro-women position. NTR called his victory ‘a silent revolution’ of the hungry masses, suffering women and the unemployed. The Congress defeat was attributed to the poor image of the party due to factional infighting, the perception that the Congress government was dominated by Reddis, widespread corruption, the impact of the liberalisation measures on the poor, the inability of the Congress leaders to counter the TDP election campaign and the desire for a change in the government. The election results showed that the Andhra electorate did not follow the sentiment that they should vote for the Congress to ensure the continuation of a Telugu Congressman at the helm of affairs in the country, a sentiment which PV and his supporters sought to invoke during the election campaign. Another implication of the election outcome was the rejection of the theme of electing the same party at the Centre and in the State, despite the warning from the top Congress leaders that voting for a non- Congress Party would mean trouble for the people of the State and lead to Centre–State conflicts. As mentioned earlier, the notable among the social and political movements that have affected the politics in Andhra Pradesh since the emergence of the TDP were those concerned with the assertion of the dalits, Naxalite struggles and the anti-arrack campaign by women. They have raised certain fundamental questions about the rationale of the social order, the nature of the political set-up, and the policy framework and priorities of the government. This period witnessed the growth of dalit assertion and the emergence of independent dalit organisations and political parties in the State. After the TDP came to power, tensions grew between the upper-caste peasant communities and the dalits in the villages. The attack by the Kammas on the Madigas in Karamchedu village in Prakasam district in July 1985, killing six persons and injuring many, caused uproar in the State (Narasimha Reddy, 1985). The dalits were organised by leaders from within the community in a protracted struggle for justice against the TDP government. After the Congress came into power in 1989, the Reddy landlords and their kinsmen (including the small landowners) in the fertile and agriculturally developed Chunduru village of Guntur district hacked to death eight dalits in August 1991 (Raghavulu, 1992). While these attacks on the dalits were generally deplored by all, the dalit leaders launched criticism that the dalits were subjected to atrocities under both the TDP rule, which they described as the Kamma raj, and the Congress rule, termed as Reddy raj. | ||
Vjavasi Side Hero Username: Vjavasi Post Number: 3201 Registered: 11-2009 Posted From: 75.131.192.17 Rating: N/A |
The High Court passed severe strictures against the Chief Minister for granting capitation-fee colleges of medicine and engineering. The Congress image had suffered so much that it was thoroughly defeated by the TDP in the earlier phase of the 1991 Lok Sabha elections, held before the killing of Rajiv Gandhi. It was Rajiv’s death that saved the Congress in the second phase of Lok Sabha elections. Even after PV Narasimha Rao, (the former Chief Minister of Andhra Pradesh), became the Prime Minister of India, the stock of the Congress in the State did not improve much in the public eye. In the Congress Legislature Party meeting held to ‘elect’ a replacement Chief Minister for Janardan Reddy, the ‘sealed cover’ from the Prime Minister and Party President was sent to appoint the veteran faction leader from Rayalaseema and a former Chief Minister of the State, Kotla Vijayabhaskar Reddy, to the post. Soon the dissident factions intensified their activity against the Chief Minister, but at the same time proclaimed unflinching loyalty to the High Command. The Chief Minister was criticised for his feudal attitude and for behaving like a factional leader. The anti-arrack movement by women, dalit assertion and the growth of the Bahujan Samaj Party (BSP) in the State, and the Naxalite activities also led to the dampening of morale among the Congressmen and erosion in the Congress electoral base. These social and political movements are discussed later in this section. In the elections to the Assembly in December 1994, the Congress High Command talked of a ‘rainbow’ coalition of factions, meaning that different factional interests would be accommodated in selecting the candidates. When there was a demand for a greater number of candidates from the BCs and reduced representation for the Reddis, PV Narasimha Rao stressed the need for ‘social balancing’ in a way that did not upset the Congress agenda. The Congress President took upon himself the responsibility of carrying the election campaign. He started by invoking the Telugu sentiment, saying that he came as a son of the Telugu soil (telugu bidda) to seek votes as alms (bhiksha). He urged the people to save him from the ignominy of Congress defeat in his home State. He also harped upon the old theme of the need to have the same party in power both at the Centre and in the States for harmonious functioning and to avoid any mismatch between the policies of the Centre and the State governments. The issue of ‘development’ versus ‘welfare’ came to the fore in the elections. PV focused on his economic policies of liberalisation, the rise in the nation’s creditworthiness under his leadership, and the Centre’s record of economic achievements. He counterpoised development and welfare implying that development would suffer if welfare (populist) schemes, as promised by NTR, were implemented. Countering the Congress argument, NTR focused on the theme that it was the responsibility of the government to provide the basic needs to the people, namely food, clothing and shelter. He questioned the theory of development in opposition to the welfare of the poor. He said that development for him was the welfare of the poor, while development for Congress meant enrichment of party leaders. NTR lambasted the Congress for legalising corruption, for amassing wealth by Congress politicians at the expense of society and for neglecting the needs of the poor. In his well-attended meetings, he promised to reintroduce the subsidised rice scheme, to impose total prohibition on liquor and to supply electricity to farmers at subsidised rates. Although NTR himself was one of the richest persons in the State, he succeeded in projecting himself as the champion of the disadvantaged and the weaker sections. The presence of the two communist parties on his side enhanced the image of NTR as progressive and pro-poor. The TDP and its Left allies projected the new economic policy of the Congress government and the liberalisation process as ‘pro-rich’. The Congress Party proved to be no match for NTR’s populism. If Mrs Gandhi had upstaged her rivals in the late 1960s with the slogan ‘garibi hatao’ (banish poverty) and her radical postures, NTR could upstage the Congress with the slogan ‘basic needs to the poor’. If the Congress had always exploited the rich–poor divide and talked of the poor without hurting the rich, NTR proved to have scored an advantage over the Congress in its own game. | ||
Vjavasi Side Hero Username: Vjavasi Post Number: 3200 Registered: 11-2009 Posted From: 75.131.192.17 Rating: N/A |
congress rule continues } | ||
Vjavasi Side Hero Username: Vjavasi Post Number: 3199 Registered: 11-2009 Posted From: 75.131.192.17 Rating: N/A |
1989-95 congress rule Some of the governmental policies and decisions made during Janardan Reddy’s tenure became highly controversial. Feeling was widespread that everything under the Congress regime had a price tag and that nothing was impossible if one was ready to pay the bribe. Corruption charges were levelled at the Chief Minister, especially in the affairs of leasing out the mines and awarding the contracts for World Bank-funded cyclone reconstruction works involving hundreds of crores of rupees. It was also alleged that crores of rupees had changed hands in allowing liquor barons and influential persons to start several private medical and engineering colleges with hefty capitation fees.18 All this provided sufficient fuel to the opposition fire. The TDP once again became active. | ||
2cool Side Hero Username: 2cool Post Number: 4918 Registered: 05-2009 Posted From: 173.236.60.204 Rating: N/A |
Come on Coca vacchi vjavasi ni tackling seyyi | ||
Vjavasi Side Hero Username: Vjavasi Post Number: 3198 Registered: 11-2009 Posted From: 75.131.192.17 Rating: N/A |
Riots in hyderabad With the Congress back in power in 1989, factionalism in the party once again came to the fore as early as 1990. The newly formed Channa Reddy government came under fire from both the opposition TDP and the rival factions of the Congress. The government was accused of corrupt practices and the dilution of welfare schemes, especially the subsidised rice scheme. Channa Reddy was held responsible for the deterioration in law and order due to the surge in Naxalite violence. During his tenure, the State was also rocked by anti-Mandal agitation. The factional struggle in the party went so far that the Chief Minister accused the dissident faction leader, N. Janardan Reddy, of engineering Hindu–Muslim communal riots in Hyderabad in order to discredit the government (Hanumantha Rao, 1993). Interestingly, the communal violence came to an abrupt end with the exit of Channa Reddy, and Janardan Reddy taking the oath as Chief Minister. | ||
Vjavasi Side Hero Username: Vjavasi Post Number: 3197 Registered: 11-2009 Posted From: 75.131.192.17 Rating: N/A |
1989 - TDP lost to congress The decline of electoral support for the TDP and a corresponding increase in Congress strength became clear even before the 1989 Assembly elections. The elections to the Zilla Praja Parishads (ZPP) and Mandala Praja Parishads (MPP), created by the TDP government, were held in March 1987. Although the results signalled a victory for the TDP (they secured 18 out of the 21 ZPPs and 632 out of 1058 MPPs), an analysis of the voting pattern indicated electoral gains for the Congress. The Congress won 42.4% of the vote and 330 MPPs as against the 200 expected in proportion to its strength in the Assembly. The poll also boosted the local-level party organisation, as the APCC President gave authority to the District Congress Committees to select candidates, making a break from the tradition of nomination from above. On the contrary, the TDP’s selection of candidates at Gandipet (headquarters of the party) through computer processing caused discontent among the local leaders. Close on the heels of the Panchayat elections came elections to as many as 95 municipalities and two Municipal Corporations. For the first time, the method of direct election for the positions of 31 Municipal Chair and Corporation Mayor on party basis was introduced. The results of the civic elections confirmed the growing disenchantment among the urban population with the ruling party. The Congress secured 42.1% of the votes as compared to the TDP’s 40.2%, as well as 49 municipal Chairs and 1292 wards, as against 40 and 948 respectively for the TDP. The Congress won all the municipalities in the districts of Guntur, Prakasam, Srikakulam and Karimnagar. They also wrested the Vijayawada Municipal Corporation from the CPI and the CPM, which had jointly controlled it for the previous five years. Adding together the votes polled by the Congress in the Panchayat and Municipal elections, the Congress managed to narrow down the overall difference between itself and the TDP to a mere 16 lakh votes. It established leads in about 140 out of the 294 Assembly segments, which meant an increase of 90 over its tally of 50 in 1985. The outcome of the elections was so reassuring to the Congress that the APCC President declared that his party was set to triumph in the next elections. Simultaneous elections to the Lok Sabha and Andhra Pradesh Assembly were held in November 1989. The Congress recorded impressive victories at both levels: it won 39 seats in the Lok Sabha with 49.1% of the vote, while the TDP managed to win only two seats with 41.6% of the vote (including votes polled by the allied parties). Curiously enough, the Andhra Pradesh electorate, as in the 1977 Lok Sabha elections, returned a spectacular victory for the Congress at a time when the electoral verdict in the country at large went against it. Over time, especially since 1977, the Andhra Pradesh electorate has earned the dubious distinction of voting against the national political current. In the Assembly elections too, the Congress turned the tables on the TDP. It won 182 seats with 47.2% of the popular vote as against 94 seats won by the TDP and its allies – the CPI, the CPM, the BJP and the Janata Dal – with 43.9% of the popular vote. On its own, the TDP secured 73 seats with 36.6% of the vote (Table 3). While the Congress improved its electoral support by 9.7%, the TDP lost ground by 9.6%. However, the margins of victory either for the Congress or the TDP were miniaml; the overall difference in popular vote between the Congress and the TDP and its allies was only 3.2%. But the electoral victory for the Congress did not mean a return to the one-party dominant system that existed prior to the 1980s in Andhra Pradesh, as some thought at the time. | ||
Kosthabidda Side Hero Username: Kosthabidda Post Number: 4454 Registered: 02-2007 Posted From: 124.123.244.133 Rating: N/A |
ya, tks 4 d link | ||
Vjavasi Side Hero Username: Vjavasi Post Number: 3196 Registered: 11-2009 Posted From: 75.131.192.17 Rating: N/A |
Criticism on NTR style of functioning However, the decline of the TDP electoral base cannot be attributed to the efforts of the Congress alone. The style of NTR’s functioning, both in the party and the government, alienated individuals and social groups from the TDP. He regarded himself as the sole leader with no superior, equal or second to him in the party. He wanted people to believe that he was on a God-sent mission to govern the State; probably he imagined himself to be so, as he always thought himself to be infallible. Often his actions were arbitrary and rash – some of the policies and laws enacted by his government had to be withdrawn immediately after they were made or struck down by the courts. He attacked the Congress for depriving people of self-respect, undermining the democratic institutions, encouraging the principle of family rule in the country, etc. But his own actions were no better: he encouraged people bowing down before him and touching his feet, and he bestowed favours on them; he never cared to build a democratic-party structure, or to make it function on any democratic principle; he dismissed all his Ministers in February 1989 just before the elections and constituted a new Ministry of all-new faces; and he never allowed elections to the ‘Politburo’, the top decision-making body in the party. Once, in a public meeting at Madanapalli, he announced his actor-son Balakrishna as his successor, but later denied this in the face of severe criticism. All these issues became favourite themes of those who opposed the TDP in the 1989 Assembly elections. Even those who openly supported NTR in the initial years gradually became disenchanted with his style, both in the party and in government. Several party leaders either became passive or they revolted against NTR and left the TDP, as they saw in him a highly ‘authoritarian personality’ and raised the issue of loss of self-respect for the leaders and workers in the party. Most of those who left the party joined the Congress, saying that it was more democratic and responsive to the wishes of the people. | ||
Vjavasi Side Hero Username: Vjavasi Post Number: 3195 Registered: 11-2009 Posted From: 75.131.192.17 Rating: N/A |
Congress Kapu MLA from Vijayawada, V. M. Ranga Rao, in organising the conference of the Kapus, known as Kapunadu (styled after Mahanadu, the TDP annual conference). The killing of V. M. Ranga Rao, who by that time had become a popular Kapu leader and also a prominent Congress leader, brought caste politics to a climax. The scale of caste violence and arson, targeting the property and assets of the Kammas, which rocked the four coastal districts – Guntur, Krishna, West and East Godavaris – following the murder was unprecedented in the political history of the State. The Congress Party made immense political capital out of this murder and received overwhelming support from the Kapus in the coastal districts in the 1989 elections. In addition, the Congress raised the issue of discrimination of Telengana and Rayalaseema regions by the TDP government and NTR, who belonged to the coastal region. The Congress leaders, who had earlier resorted to the resurrection of sub-regional identities in order to secure their individual and factional hold on the party and government, this time used this card against the TDP government. | ||
Vjavasi Side Hero Username: Vjavasi Post Number: 3194 Registered: 11-2009 Posted From: 75.131.192.17 Rating: N/A |
As the Congress was in power at the Centre, its leaders often threatened the TDP government between 1987 and 1988 with dire consequences, including its dismissal. Such belligerence and aggressiveness on behalf of the State Congress leadership was, to a large extent, inspired by the 29 Central leaders. The position of Governor, controlled by the Central government, also proved useful for them to create trouble for the TDP and during this period, the Congress influenced the decisions of the Governor on several occasions. The TDP leaders felt that the actions of the Governor were aimed at embarrassing the ruling party, to strengthen the Congress prospects, to obstruct the government from functioning and so discredit the ruling party. In an unusual and unprecedented way, the Andhra Pradesh Cabinet passed a Resolution censuring the constitutional head of the State government. NTR complained to the President of India that the Governor was violating all the norms by carrying on ‘a relentless campaign of calumny’ against his government. The Congress also effectively made use of the judiciary to invalidate the actions of the TDP government and to have strictures passed against key functionaries, including the Chief Minister. A judgment of a Division Bench of the Andhra Pradesh High Court in January 1988, on petitions filed by a leading Brahman Congress leader in the State, Dronamraju Satyanarayana, put the Chief Minister and the ruling party in an awkward situation. It found prima facie evidence of the abuse of official position by the Chief Minister on five counts and opined that the action of the State government on two other charges was arbitrary and illegal. Although the way the judgment itself was given became a matter of controversy, the Congress leaders were quick to demand the resignation of the Chief Minister. The TDP criticised the Congress for resorting to cantankerous legal actions to negate the verdict of the people of the State. One important factor in building up an anti-TDP electoral alliance was caste. The issue was successfully played by the Congress in its efforts to stage a comeback. It assigned the task of rallying different caste people to different caste men in the party and it consolidated its position among the dalits, who had been staunch supporters of the Congress for the last two decades since they were weaned away from communist influence in the late 1960s. It highlighted, in the Legislature and outside, the atrocities committed against the dalits, especially in the Kammadominant villages. The Brahmans – the traditional supporters of the Congress – once again rallied behind the party by influencing public opinion through the means they had at their command, such as the media, bureaucracy and educational institutions. NTR’s policies, such as the abolition of village officers17, abolition of the privileges of priests to enjoy the monetary offerings to gods at temples, and providing the right for any person, regardless of community, to become a priest, were seen as trying to destroy the traditional position of the Brahmans in society. Instead of being understood as democratic measures, these actions were interpreted as measures to hurt the Brahman interests. The trading community, consisting mainly of the Komatis, were also disaffected with the TDP due to its alleged ‘anti-trader policies’. Since most of the Reddi elites thought of the Congress Party as their own, the Congress received overwhelming support from the Reddi community. Giving credence to the caste logic, N. Srinivasulu Reddy, one of the top leaders of the TDP and considered second in command in the TDP Ministry, resigned from the TDP and joined the Congress, along with several others, on the eve of the 1989 Assembly elections. The Congress was also successful in separating the Kapu community from the TDP. The Union Minister, Shiva Sankar, carried out an intensive campaign to rally the Kapus, Balijas, Ontaris, Munnur Kapus and Telagas (kindred caste groups in Andhra Pradesh) against the TDP. In this campaign, background discord developed between the prominent Kapu leaders of the TDP on the one hand and the Chief Minister and his sons-in-law on the other. Chegondi Harirama Jogaiah and Mudragada Padmanabham, important Kapu leaders from Godavari districts, left the TDP to join the | ||
Vjavasi Side Hero Username: Vjavasi Post Number: 3193 Registered: 11-2009 Posted From: 75.131.192.17 Rating: N/A |
Role of congress in fomenting caste conflict in the state } | ||
Vjavasi Side Hero Username: Vjavasi Post Number: 3192 Registered: 11-2009 Posted From: 75.131.192.17 Rating: N/A |
Mid-term elections to the Andhra Pradesh Assembly, caused by the dissolution of the Assembly in November 1984, were held in March 1985. The alliance between the major non-Congress opposition parties and the TDP continued. NTR asked the people to ‘get rid of the Congress culture and strengthen your self-respect vis-à -vis the arrogant Centre’ (Hindustan Times, 2 March 2 1985). The election manifesto issued by the APCC said that the Assembly elections provided the Telugu people a ‘unique opportunity to join the mainstream of national life’ (News Time, 22 February 1985). Rajiv Gandhi maintained that regional parties posed a threat to the unity of the country and advocated the need for the same party to rule both at the Centre and in the States. But the Congress suffered from group rivalries. In addition, the demoralisation caused by successive electoral defeats and the collective fear of NTR was so great in the Congress, that 22 of the candidates allotted Congress tickets refused to file their nominations. The TDP won 202 seats, three more seats than it won in the 1983 elections. The Congress failed to retain the strength which it had in the dissolved Assembly (59), and won only 49 seats. It did however improve its percentage of the vote from 33.6% in the Assembly elections in 1983 to 37.4% in 1985 (Table 3). Its performance was particularly good in Krishna and Guntur districts, which had stood solidly with the TDP in 1983 and where Kamma concentration was highest in the State. 28 The major casualty in this election was the Democratic Telugu Desam Party (DTDP), formed by Bhaskara Rao, the rebel TDP leader. All but two of its 220 candidates lost their deposits. With this, attempts to recreate the Tamil Nadu model of having two rival regional parties as alternative contenders for power at the State level, were thwarted in Andhra Pradesh. The Congress could have been seriously threatened had the DTDP been successful in consolidating itself as the second regional party on the lines of the All India Anna Dravida Munnetra Kazagham (AIADMK) of Tamil Nadu. Commenting on his victory in the elections, NTR said that the people’s verdict was a mandate to remould the Centre–State relations, for strong States in a true federal structure, for a greater share in the revenue for the States and that it was a major rebuff for corrupt leaders and defectors. The communists also felt that the Andhra people gave a fitting reply to the Congress argument of the same party rule being required at both the Central and the State level by defeating the Congress Party. Between 1985 and 1989, the Congress recovered lost ground by attacking the style of functioning of the TDP leader, fully exploiting the arbitrary decisions of NTR’s government and taking a hostile opposition towards the TDP (Bhaktavatsalam, 1991). Although the party was routed in the Assembly elections in 1983 and 1985, it still enjoyed a considerable electoral base in the State. The encouragement given by the Central leadership of the party, which was in power at the Centre, the patronage available for it to bestow upon the State leaders and the opportunity to use the institutions of Governor and the judiciary in creating situations to embarrass the ruling party at the State level, helped the Andhra Pradesh Congress Party to regain its strength. TDP–Congress relations showed that in the evolution of a democratic polity in a developing society with too many social cleavages and mutually conflicting economic interests, political parties, especially the main opposition, seem to give less importance to parliamentary conventions and fair means. What was important for the Congress was to regain power, using any means at the disposal of the party. Apparently, it functioned on the assumption that only hostile opposition pays in a crisis-ridden society. It launched an immediate propaganda offensive against the TDP government and used every opportunity to put the ruling party in a difficult situation. The very first major policy decision of the TDP government – reducing the retirement age of government employees from 58 to 55 years, without giving them any time to reconcile with the decision or chance to appeal against it – provoked a prolonged confrontation between the nongazetted officers, who numbered more than 400,000 and represented a strategic section in society and government. For the first time, government employees were subjected to scathing criticism by a leader no less than the Chief Minister. He criticised them for becoming anti-people and corrupt, branding them ‘bandicoots in a granary’. The Congress, which had a majority in the Legislative Council, was able to stall some of the decisions of the TDP government and the Ordinance intended to reduce the retirement age was blocked. As a consequence, the TDP leadership decided to have the Legislative Council abolished. The role of the Union Ministers in the State politics of Andhra Pradesh acquired significance in raising issues to embarrass the TDP, putting spokes in the functioning of the State government wheel, and bolstering the morale of the State Congress leaders. The relations between the State government and the Union Ministers, acting as the spokesmen of the Congress Party, was characterised by diatribes of the latter against the former, as they exhorted the Congressmen to launch a ‘liberation struggle’ against the TDP rule and to take the issues to the streets. There was a war of statements between the Union Minister from Andhra Pradesh, P. Shiva Sankar and the TDP leaders over the subsidy in the Rs2 per kilo of rice scheme. | ||
Vjavasi Side Hero Username: Vjavasi Post Number: 3191 Registered: 11-2009 Posted From: 75.131.192.17 Rating: N/A |
NTR used vituperative language in his speeches with theatrical gestures. He stressed that the prestige of Andhra Pradesh was tarnished because the Chief Ministers were installed by Delhi instead of being elected in Hyderabad. He generated a euphoria over the slogans of ‘restoration of 26 self-respect of the Telugus’, ‘humiliation of the Telugus by a system of imposing the Chief Ministers from Delhi’, and ‘fight against the inefficient and corrupt administration of the Congress’. These were combined with populist schemes, such as providing rice at Rs2 per kilo and midday meals for school children, which he borrowed from neighbouring Tamil Nadu experience. Overall, NTR’s speeches were exhortative and his policies populist. Initially, the Congress underestimated the significance of the TDP and the crowds drawn towards NTR. Mrs Gandhi regarded NTR as no more than a freak phenomenon incapable of posing any sustained political challenge. She scorned NTR as a ‘political joke’ being played in Andhra Pradesh by someone who did not know anything about politics but had entered the electoral fray. Some Congress leaders tried to isolate NTR as a leader of the Kamma community alone and called Telugu Desam, ‘Kamma desam’ (land of the Kammas). The 1983 elections became a battle between Amma (mother), i.e., Mrs Gandhi and Anna (elder brother), i.e., NTR. The TDP recorded a landslide victory ending the one-party dominance of the Congress Party in Andhra Pradesh of nearly three decades (Table 3). It secured 46.8% of the popular vote and two-thirds of seats in the Assembly. The Congress Party recorded the lowest percentage of the vote (33.6%) ever in Andhra Pradesh electoral history. It polled the least percentage of votes in the coastal Andhra region (30.8%). The party won only 20% of seats (60 out of 293) in the Assembly. The percentage of seats was extremely low for the coastal Andhra (8%) and Rayalaseema (8%) regions. The Left parties, who had now entered into an alliance with each other, were utterly defeated: CPI took only 2.8% of the vote with four seats and CPM 2.1% of the vote with five seats. The elections showed that if a political party, whether regional or national, convinces the electorate of its ability to form a government by projecting itself as a viable alternative to the ruling party, it stands a fair chance of gaining political power. It also showed that a negative swing of 4–5% of the vote polled by a party yields a highly adverse result in terms of its position in the Assembly. The Congress Party assumed, for the first time in Andhra Pradesh, the role of an opposition party in the Assembly and outside. The Central and State Congress leadership, which had grown accustomed to dominating State politics for a long time, found it difficult to reconcile to the changed realities. It failed to establish a working relationship with the TDP and took a hostile attitude towards the ruling party. On his part, NTR too was hostile towards the Congress for his own compulsions and repeatedly talked of the State’s autonomy vis-à -vis the Congress-dominated Centre. The TDP and the Congress naturally held divergent views on the place and role of regional parties in India. NTR decried the continuous propaganda of the Congress Party in the State, claiming that the regional parties represent fissiparous tendencies and render harm to the State’s interests. He maintained that the Congress rule had deprived the State both the authority and the financial capacity to promote the development of its economy and the welfare of its people. He described the TDP as a regional party with a national perspective and asserted that a regional party alone was capable of articulating the aspirations of the people. After one-and-a-half years of TDP rule, the Congress pulled down NTR’s government in August 1984. The Congress gave support to the plans of a ginger group within the TDP led by Nadendla Bhaskara Rao to oust the Chief Minister from office while he was away in the United States of America undergoing heart surgery. As the Congress Party was in power at the Centre, it used the office of the Governor for the purpose. The meeting of the 17 national opposition parties, including the CPI, CPM, Bharatiya Jana Party (BJP) and the Janata, came down heavily on the Congress for indulging in the game of toppling the non-Congress governments and felt that the coup d’état staged in Hyderabad was engineered in Delhi by the Prime Minister and the coterie around her. They launched a ‘Save democracy movement’, which led to a massive anti-Congress and anti-Centre upsurge in the State against the dismissal of the TDP government. NTR called it a dharma yuddham 27 (a war for justice) – a war against the authoritarian and autocratic rule of the Centre, for restoration of democracy and safeguarding the Constitution. Owing to the powerful mass agitation and the force of the united opposition, the ‘defectors group’, despite the support of the Congress Party, could not muster enough numbers in the Assembly to continue in power. Since the 1984 Lok Sabha elections were approaching, the Congress leadership wanted to salvage the party’s image to any extent possible. It abandoned its efforts to prop up the ‘defectors’ government, called back the Governor, making him a scapegoat, and finally reinstated NTR. This was the only instance in the political history of India when a dismissed Chief Minister was reinstated. The whole episode proved that if people stand firmly for safeguarding democratic norms, the manipulation of the political leadership in weakening the democratic institutions and structures to fulfil personal, factional and partisan ambitions can be curbed, resisted and even defeated. Although the opposition parties were not able to forge a united front against the Congress at the national level in the December 1984 Lok Sabha elections, the TDP in Andhra arrived at a bilateral seat adjustment with the non-Congress national opposition parties. Thereafter, the TDP and its allies came to be known as ‘friendly parties’. It was remarkable that they managed to stem the countrywide sympathy wave in favour of the Congress after the assassination of Mrs Gandhi and deliver a miserable defeat to the Congress in the elections. In his election speeches, the Congress Prime Minister Rajiv Gandhi focused on the theme that the regional parties were harmful to national unity. The TDP countered the Congress’ criticism by saying that it stood for the strengthening of the federal political structure in India, in the spirit of the Constitution. NTR alleged that the Congress, despite its continuous rule in the Centre and in several States, was not able to forge unity in the country, as it was responsible for the trouble in Punjab, Assam, Kashmir, etc. He also charged that the Congress that fought for independence under Mahatma Gandhi’s leadership died long ago and what remained of the Congress was full of self-seeking, immoral and corrupt politicians. People’s memory of the abortive coup against NTR’s government and the political drama that followed was so fresh, and the unity witnessed during the agitation for the reinstallation of NTR’s government was so strong, that out of 41 seats for which polls were held, the TDP won 30 (44.1% of the vote) and the ‘friendly’ opposition parties – CPI, CPM, BJP and the Janata – won one seat each. The strength of the Congress was reduced from its earlier number of 41 to a mere six, but still it achieved a substantial vote of 41.8%. | ||
Vjavasi Side Hero Username: Vjavasi Post Number: 3190 Registered: 11-2009 Posted From: 75.131.192.17 Rating: N/A |
5 Emergence of the Telugu Desam Party: Politics of Populism and Confrontation The emergence of the Telugu Desam Party (TDP) brought radical changes to the structure of politics in Andhra Pradesh. Increasing dissatisfaction among the people towards the Congress style of functioning, its all-round decay and the inability of the national opposition parties, both liberal and communist, to present a viable political and electoral alternative to the Congress provided a fertile ground for the birth and growth of a regional party in the State. The launching of a new political party on 29 March 1982 by 60-year old Madras-based multi-millionaire cine star, NT Rama Rao (who was popularly called NTR), heralded a new era in Andhra Pradesh State politics. This regional party was not born out of any sustained movement or struggle, like that of Akali Dal in Punjab or National Conference in Jammu and Kashmir, or any sustained social movement like the DMK in Tamil Nadu. Neither is it entirely true to say that the TDP became successful because of NTR’s cine popularity among the Andhra Pradesh electorate. The explanation lies somewhere else. In Andhra Pradesh politics the non-Congress/anti-Congress opposition vote was always substantial, with different parties and independents in the electoral fray securing a considerable percentage of votes in the Assembly elections held prior to 1983. Most of the leaders of the former Swatantra Party, Lok Dal, and Socialist parties and later the Janata Party joined the Telugu Desam. The vote bases of these parties were welded together under the name of the Telugu Desam (the Telugu nation). Thus the TDP could be seen as a unified reincarnation of the hitherto divided anti- Congress and non-Congress groups in Andhra Pradesh politics. NTR’s cine popularity was useful to him in the sense that he was not new to the Andhra Pradesh electorate and he used this as an effective means to convey a political message to them. It fell on receptive ears as the electorate too was looking for an alternative – a leader who could bail out the State from the reckless factionalism, rampant corruption and the political morass into which it had been dragged by the Congress rule between 1978 and 1982. The TDP mounted a blistering attack on the Congress, its ‘eunuch’ leadership at the State level and the ‘puppet shows’ constantly staged on the Andhra political theatre. The party, in its manifesto, promised to provide a clean administration and the elimination of corruption; it would strive to remove the meaningless and unrealistic restrictions on industrialists and thus attract capital from outside the State and encourage the enterprising industrialists within the State. The TDP called the Congress pro-merchant and anti-peasant for its failure to give remunerative prices for agricultural products and to supply electricity for the peasants at subsidised rates. It completely rejected any proposal of imposing tax on agricultural income. Regarding the Centre–State relations, the TDP said that Indira Gandhi, in her endeavour to perpetuate her family rule over the country, had gradually transformed the States of India into glorified ‘municipalities’. It proclaimed its belief in complete federalism and opposed the argument that the delegation of more powers to the States would weaken the Centre. It demanded that the Centre should confine itself to the matters of defence, foreign affairs, currency and communications. NTR later went so far as to say that the Centre was a ‘conceptual myth’. Thus the TDP’s proclaimed policies were oriented to liberal industrial growth and pro-peasant agricultural development and it was said to have made a good impact on the regional industrialist class and the rich peasantry, who supported the Congress during the 1970s. The TDP also partially took the philosophy of the former Swatantra Party and as a consequence, effectively weaned away a large section of peasant voters from the Congress and the Janata Party. | ||
Vjavasi Side Hero Username: Vjavasi Post Number: 3189 Registered: 11-2009 Posted From: 75.131.192.17 Rating: N/A |
http://www.odi.org.uk/resources/download/1997.pdf nice paper on andhra politics since independence.....i will post excerpts from 80's from the beginning of telugu desham to NTR's death |
