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     Rarebell Side Hero Username: Rarebell Post Number: 2407 Registered: 11-2008 Posted From: 99.39.138.156 Rating: N/A |
Is this guy Son of Justice Pingle JaganMohan Reddy. (eeyaniki iddaru Sons one is Jairam and other one is Gautam) | ||
| Iamim Side Hero Username: Iamim Post Number: 4281 Registered: 03-2008 Posted From: 119.235.54.170 Rating: N/A |
He is a Marathi guy.. The other day there was a debate in HYD regarding T issue.. the old timer Marathis.. Marvadis.. Gujjus.. were going nostaligic about Old HYD culture.. with the advent of Kosta people HYD has become a Telugu speaking city where one can speak in Telugu with pride and honour and dignity.. these guys cannot digest that and want to lord over T people like they did for centuries by looking down upon T culture and language... | ||
| Vivekanandji Junior Artist Username: Vivekanandji Post Number: 839 Registered: 04-2009 Posted From: 67.159.44.103 Rating: N/A |
Rise of TDP lo these OBC's played a major part, especially in Telangana. Megastar try chesaadu veellani attract cheyyadaaniki. Workout kaaledhu. OBC's almost 45% untaaru AP lo. Andharuu Baagundaali. | ||
| Vivekanandji Junior Artist Username: Vivekanandji Post Number: 838 Registered: 04-2009 Posted From: 67.159.44.103 Rating: N/A |
Mamamiya brother, Peasant OBC castes antey Yadhavs, Gowds, Munnuru Kapu, telaga,etc. Land owning OBCs veellu. TDP ki kanchukota veella votebank. Padmasali, Kurma, Mangali, kummari, etc veeranthaa service OBC's. Padmasali vaallallo land owning agriculture based vaallu kooda unnaaru baagaane Telangana lo. So sometimes they are classified under peasant obc. Andharuu Baagundaali. | ||
| Mamamiya786 Side Hero Username: Mamamiya786 Post Number: 4359 Registered: 06-2008 Posted From: 98.66.176.177 Rating: N/A |
who are peasant OBC castes ? and Service OBC castes? 1999 CBN successful ga SC votes ni lakkonnadu ...SC madiga votes ... Congress has to get some BC votes ...other wise in fute it will be a cake walk for TDp ..in the absence of YSR... Chidl Marriage Bhruna Hatya tho samanam -- vinoba bhave. | ||
| Vivekanandji Junior Artist Username: Vivekanandji Post Number: 837 Registered: 04-2009 Posted From: 67.159.44.103 Rating: |
Gautam Pingle is pro-Telangana. He favours separate Telangana state. So konchem masala kalipi castes ani edho raasaadu separate Telangana ki for gaa  Andharuu Baagundaali. | ||
| Vivekanandji Junior Artist Username: Vivekanandji Post Number: 836 Registered: 04-2009 Posted From: 67.159.44.103 Rating: N/A |
Vjavasi brother, you just posted the 2nd part of the article. Here is the 1st part of the article by Gautam Pingle. http://expressbuzz.com/biography/railroaded-into-merger-i-/1 53282.html Railroaded into merger-I ? By Gautam PingleFirst Published : 04 Mar 2010 05:35:00 AM ISTLast Updated : THE Congress Party favoured linguistic States from 1920 onwards but the Dar Commission on Linguistic Provinces in 1948 did not. The Congress position on a separate Andhra State was stated in its 1952 Election Manifesto. It was that " a decision on this question ultimately depends upon the wishes of the people concerned. While linguistic reasons have undoubtedly a certain cultural and other importance, there are other factors also; such as economic, administrative and financial, which have to be taken into consideration." The implication is clearly that "wishes of the people concerned" meant the people who wished to have a separate State as clarified in the Constitution Assembly debates. Dealing with demand of the Andhras and the suggestions of a plebiscite or referendum, Prime Minister stated that he would "entirely agree that 95 to 97 per cent of the people concerned would vote for it." The Congress agreed to the formation of Andhra State in 1949 with conditions but did nothing till the issue was precipitated by Potti Sriramulu's fast and death and the consequent breakdown of law and order in Coastal Andhra (Rayalaseema was much less involved). On the other hand, Nehru was not impressed by the argument for splitting Hyderabad State. He considered it was "injurious to Hyderabad and would upset the whole structure of South India. "It would," he added, "be very unwise to do anything that would destroy the administrative continuity that has been achieved in Hyderabad after so much effort." He was prepared to accept the recommendations of the States Reorganization Commission (SRCSRC) saying: "The best course, therefore, appears to me for us to accept the main recommendations of the Commission, subject to minor modifications if necessary and thus try to put an end to these controversies and conflicts." The SRC made several points for merger of Andhra and Telengana. Firstly, it would bring into existence a State with "a considerable hinterland (i.e., Telangana), with large water and power resources, adequate mineral wealth and valuable raw materials". Secondly, it would solve "the difficult and vexing problem of finding a permanent capital for Andhra (i.e., the rival claims of the Rayalaseema Reddys for Kurnool and the Coastal Kammas for Vijaywada/ Guntur) as the twin cities of Hyderabad and Secunderabad are very well suited to be the capital of Vishalandhra." Thirdly, with the merger of Telangana, "one independent political jurisdiction namely of Telangana (i.e., an upper riverine region) can be eliminated, the formulation and implementation of plans in the eastern areas (i.e., Coastal Andhra) in these two great river basins (i.e., Krishna and Godavari) would be expedited." In its estimation, however, there were serious problems too. Firstly, "Andhra State has faced a financial problem of some magnitude ever since it was created and in comparison with Telangana the existing Andhra State has low government per capita revenue." Telangana, on the other hand, had surpluses. Thus, the result of unification would be to level out the Andhra deficits with Telangana surpluses. This did not appeal to Telangana which "could be a stable and viable unit considered by itself". Secondly, with regard to river waters: "Telangana would not wish to lose its present independent rights in relation to the utilization of the waters of Krishna and Godavari". Thirdly, on the issue of employment the SRC pointed out that "one of the principal causes of opposition to Vishalandhra also seems to be the apprehension felt by the educationally backward people of Telangana that they may be swamped and exploited by the more advanced people of the coastal areas... while Telangana itself may be converted into a colony by the enterprising coastal Andhra." Summing up, the SRC stated: "Important leaders of public opinion in Andhra themselves seem to appreciate that the unification of Telangana with Andhra, though desirable, should be based on a voluntary and willing association of the people and that it is primarily for the people of Telangana to take a decision about their future" It concluded that: ``After taking all these factors into consideration we have come to the conclusion that it will be in the interest of Andhra as well as Telangana, if for the present, the Telangana area is to be constituted into a separate State, which may be known as the Hyderabad State with provision for its unification with Andhra after the general elections likely to be held in or about 1961 if by a two-thirds majority the legislature of the residual Hyderabad State expresses itself in favour of such unification." The demand for a separate Telangana State had support from the Hyderabad (as it still was) Congress Party. In November of 1955, newspapers reported that seven out of the ten Congress Committee members from Telangana, 73 out of the 105 Telangana Congress delegates, the State executive of the Indian National Trade Union Congress, and ten Members of Parliament from Telangana supported a separate State. Even the mouthpiece of the Telangana Congress politicians, the Golkonda Patrika newspaper, switched its support for Vishalandhra in 1954 and reversed its position in 1955 to support a separate Telangana. The eight-day debate in the Hyderabad Assembly in late November 1955 on an official resolution on the issue was lively but no vote was taken, which in itself is significant... Yet, when it came to the final decision, Nehru said that: "The Commission has suggested that if Hyderabad was going to be disintegrated, the Telangana area should remain separate for five years and then decide whether it should merge with the other areas of Andhra. We have no particular objection to that but, logically speaking, it seems to me unwise to allow this matter to be left to argument. Let it be taken up now and let us be done with it." When the merger announcement was made by Nehru in Nizamabad in a public meeting held on 5 March 1956 it was, therefore, wholly unexpected. He softened the blow by stating that there would be two Regional Councils to take care that there was no discrimination. He indicated that the decision had been arrived at with consent of all parties concerned. The Congress High Command had agreed to bilingual States in Bombay and Punjab. It had not touched UP and Bihar -- though Madhya Bharat was merged with CP and Berar to make Madhya Pradesh. In Bengal, it refused the Gorkhas a separate State. Its view -- largely Nehru’s -- on Hyderabad's unity was cast aside. The SRC and local sentiment for the independent existence of Telangana was overruled. At least in the case of Andhra, the movement had been going on for two decades. On the other hand, the mystery is why the second merger (Vishalandhra) took place "with no sentiment, no logical reason, no recommendation by SRC and no previous interest shown by Nehru?" It seems fairly obvious from the historical and political context of Andhra State and Telangana region that several issues played a role in the merger decision. (To be continued in Part II) Pingle is Dean of research and consultancy Director, Centre for policy and governance Administrative Staff College of India Vjavasi brother posted the 2nd part which is here: http://expressbuzz.com/biography/caste-and-the-politics-of-m erger/153589.html Brothers, read the 1st part first and 2nd part next or else continuity pothundhi. Andharuu Baagundaali. | ||
| Andhrawala Side Hero Username: Andhrawala Post Number: 2498 Registered: 03-2008 Posted From: 192.58.204.226 Rating: N/A |
Velama doras | ||
| Scorpio Junior Artist Username: Scorpio Post Number: 158 Registered: 09-2008 Posted From: 12.193.27.158 Rating: N/A |
Tengana separate ayithe ee caste ki adv undochu? | ||
| Venkateswarlu Comedian Username: Venkateswarlu Post Number: 1670 Registered: 01-2010 Posted From: 75.37.189.171 Rating: N/A |
Mothhaaniki Commu gaallani kottaneeki chaalaa games aadindi congress party.. good info.. In this db, there's always someone watching you!!  | ||
| Vjavasi Side Hero Username: Vjavasi Post Number: 2290 Registered: 11-2009 Posted From: 24.30.124.83 Rating: |
interesting analysis on telangana merger http://expressbuzz.com/edition/print.aspx?artid=qvjI71tbWXI= By By Gautam Pingle 05 Mar 2010 06:18:00 AM IST Caste and the politics of merger WHEN the issue of a separate Andhra State was raised, there was a marked reluctance on the part of the Rayalaseema elite to the idea of merging with Coastal Andhra. However, on 16 November 1937, the Rayalaseema and Coastal Andhra leaders agreed to a pact which stated the following: (1) university centres would be set up in Waltair and Anantapur; (2) preferential claim of Rayalaseema and Nellore in respect of the utilization of the waters of the Tungabhadra, Krishna and Pennar for ten years or as long as it takes; (3) that each district would have only the same number of seats in the Legislature and (4) the High Court and the Capital would be either in Rayalaseema or Coastal Andhra with the choice to Rayalaseema. The (Dar) Commission on Linguistic Provinces examined the issues of Rayalaseema and Coastal Andhra and said: ``In manner, customs, traditions and general outlook on life also the two groups differ, and in a general way, though in a less intensified form, the distrust and apprehension of domination and exploitation which exist in a Telugu mind against the Tamil, find their counterpart in the Rayalaseema mind against the Coastal districts.’’ The Commission concluded: “Rayalaseema being educationally, politically and economically backward, it apprehends Coastal domination and exploitation in services, legislatures, and in development schemes. And altogether, it sees a better chance for the future development of Rayalaseema in undivided Madras than in divided Madras after separation of Andhra.’’ The similarity between the Rayalaseema position and the Sri Bagh Pact in the case of Andhra State and the Telangana situation and the Gentleman’s Agreement in the case of Vishalandhra is striking. It leads one to wonder that history can teach us if only we are prepared to learn from it. Despite the Pact, it took Potti Sriramulu’s sacrifice to unite the Rayalaseema and Coastal leaders to achieve Andhra State. The capital was located at Kurnool and the High Court in Guntur. But the political balance sought by Rayalaseema leaders with Coastal Andhra was not possible constitutionally as the population of Rayalaseema was half that of Coastal Andhra and Assembly seats were distributed by population size in a democracy. Soon, however, the regional issue became a caste one. Andhra State’s two-year existence saw continuous political trouble between the Communist Party (supported by the Kamma community) and the Congress (supported by the Brahmin and Reddy communities). Finally, the Prakasam Coalition Government fell and fresh elections were ordered under President’s Rule. Confronted with a major take-over bid by the Communist Party, the Congress rallied and formed a United Congress Front (UCF), which included the richer Kammas under NG Ranga and other landholding communities afraid of land reform. The 1955 elections thus saw caste equations crystallized and united in the United Congress Front. Of the 170 seats, the Communists got only 15 in the Assembly though they had contested 169. The UCF got 146 seats. Of the 146 seats won by the UCF, Reddys represented 45, Kammas 24 and Telegas 15. With this development, the Kamma-Reddy rivalry moved from the Communist-Congress level to intraparty factions in the Congress Party. The Congress had become a Reddy-Kamma party -- something Ambedkar had warned of in 1953: Take Andhra -- there are only two major communities spread over the linguistic area. They are either Reddys or the Kammas. They hold the land, all the offices, and all the business. The Congress factional rivalry between the Reddys of Rayalaseema and the Kammas of the Coastal Andhra had been managed under the threat of the Communist take-over. Yet it was too inherent in the democratic polity to disappear and it had economic and political consequences. Moreover, Andhra State was virtually bankrupt. Meanwhile, in the 1952 Hyderabad State Assembly elections the Communist Front parties got 37 seats and Congress 44 seats out of the total 97 Telangana Assembly seats. A separate Telangana could easily become a Communist bastion. With the Brahmins and Reddys largely dominating the Congress Party in Telangana, a merger with Andhra would strengthen the Reddy element present on both sides as well as buttress the anti- Communist front. As far as the Reddys of Telangana were concerned, they had just tasted political power after end of the Nizam’s rule and that of the military/ civil rule of the Central Government. They had their inhibitions about their more aggressive Rayalaseema cousins but again were perhaps not confident enough to exercise power on their own. A merger seemed a neat solution for the anti-Communist parties, Nehru and, of course, the Reddys of Rayalaseema and Telangana. After the merger, the Congress Party was enormously strengthened. The 1957 General Election was held in Telangana only (because Andhra had one in 1955). With the revived party and alliance-building with the other minor parties and caste groups, Congress romped home with 68 of the 107 seats contested in Telangana. The Communists were reduced to 23 seats. With 204 out of the 277 seats in the Andhra Pradesh Assembly, the Congress now became entirely a Reddy-dominated party. In 1969, Congress, after neglecting the employment and development needs (especially irrigation) in Telangana saw the Telangana youth revolt at the lack of opportunities, the unfair treatment to their region and the whole series of broken pre-merger promises and guarantees. This led to a patch-up, which again did not work despite a Telangana chief minister for the first time. For the shift in power led to the Separate Andhra agitation in the Coastal Andhra led largely by the disgruntled Kamma community. Eventually nothing changed till 1983. The Congress Party was perceived also to have ignored interests of the powerful and rich Kamma community in the Coastal districts and it paid the price when the Kamma-dominated Telugu Desam Party (TDP) took power in 1983. The TDP had overwhelming support in Telangana, which hoped for better treatment from it, but unfortunately this did not materialize. By 1999, caste-based voting had become the fact of politics: survey data showed that 87% of Kammas and 62% of peasant OBCs voted for the TDP and 77% Reddys, 64% of the Scheduled Castes and 60% of Muslims for the Congress. This meant that the overall election result rests with the other communities such as Kapus, Service OBCs and Scheduled Tribes whose vote split almost 50:50 between the two parties. They could swing the very fine division of the vote (10%) which decides and still decides which party attains power. Emergence of other caste groups such as the Kapu-dominated Praja Rajyam Party or issues such as separate Telangana have upset the caste balance achieved in 1956 and the reestablished balance since 1983. It is not clear what the 2009 balance represented. Only one thing is for sure, separation of Telangana will change everything. |
