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Dts Junior Artist Username: Dts Post Number: 636 Registered: 08-2009 Posted From: 188.40.51.71 Rating: N/A |
I appreciate your effort in finding the article. I could not read it completely though, at least it is better than the news article which is rather incomplete. I cannot further comment on this article as there are lots of forbidden gaps into and it would take lots of time to research on it. When Telangana is one of the disintegrated regions of Hyderabad, comparing per capita incomes of Hyderabad and Andra does not seem logical to me. In ExpressBuzz's version hinterland has been interpreted as Telangana alone where as entire Rayalaseem is also part of hinterland and so on. Coming to political angle it seemed to me that Nehru congress took the help of dominant Reddis of Rayalaseema and somewhat naive Reddis of Telangana and Brahmins to suppress Kamma dominated CPI of Andhra in formation of AP. కోటిపల్లికి దారడిగి కొండపల్లికి వెళ్తున్నావేమిటి? ...మనసు మార్చుకున్నాను! DTS "The digital experience" | ||
Ishan Side Hero Username: Ishan Post Number: 2634 Registered: 01-2009 Posted From: 128.249.106.234 Rating: N/A |
choodaninke baagundi...taruvatha saduvutha...thanks. Gaanamidi...nee dhyanamidi...dhyanamulo naa praanamidi...praanamaina mooga gunde raagamidi... | ||
Okahyderabadi Comedian Username: Okahyderabadi Post Number: 1231 Registered: 12-2009 Posted From: 209.239.114.231 Rating: N/A |
good article In history there is no such thing as the last word on any subject research leads to new things every day | ||
Getafix Side Hero Username: Getafix Post Number: 5510 Registered: 02-2008 Posted From: 159.127.66.112 Rating: N/A |
agree.. Our state is unique in respect to caste voting.. people in our state are more affiliated to party's leader and his caste rather than party on the whole.. unlike in other caste driven states like UP where BSP/SP represents umbrella of lower castes.. TDP/Cong/PRP leaders caste icons and people tend vote to respective parties based on their liking to respective party's head.. okavela Chiru,CBN TDP and PRP party head's ga kakunda Bal thackerey lanti position teesukunte manavallu chasthe vote veyyaru.. | ||
Jawmetri Junior Artist Username: Jawmetri Post Number: 334 Registered: 12-2009 Posted From: 59.93.70.23 Rating: N/A |
Just found this. The article in detail with the references. http://epw.in/epw/uploads/articles/14469.pdf | ||
Dts Junior Artist Username: Dts Post Number: 635 Registered: 08-2009 Posted From: 188.40.51.71 Rating: N/A |
If the same article was written by a politician we'd have rejected outright. Now politics has gone up to one level of bringing in the so called intellectuals. If this were let him put across in a University seminar rather than publishing it on news papers who just want to create sensation to sell themselves. Does India ever collected data to support his assertions? India never used statistics for the benefit of its people even though we have top notch statisticians. కోటిపల్లికి దారడిగి కొండపల్లికి వెళ్తున్నావేమిటి? ...మనసు మార్చుకున్నాను! DTS "The digital experience" | ||
Getafix Side Hero Username: Getafix Post Number: 5505 Registered: 02-2008 Posted From: 159.127.66.112 Rating: N/A |
interesting.. | ||
Jawmetri Junior Artist Username: Jawmetri Post Number: 332 Registered: 12-2009 Posted From: 59.93.70.23 Rating: N/A |
while i agree with your concerns,it is fair to give some benefit of doubt to the author considering that he is a man of some standing and stature in matters of Public Policy and Governance. I also have my reservations regarding the figures, i have read articles stating that in 2004 majority of the kammas voted for congress. | ||
Dts Junior Artist Username: Dts Post Number: 634 Registered: 08-2009 Posted From: 188.40.51.71 Rating: N/A |
if possible put the references to the article. There are lots and lots such article being published everyday and being discussed everyday in media. కోటిపల్లికి దారడిగి కొండపల్లికి వెళ్తున్నావేమిటి? ...మనసు మార్చుకున్నాను! DTS "The digital experience" | ||
Iamim Side Hero Username: Iamim Post Number: 3590 Registered: 03-2008 Posted From: 119.235.54.170 Rating: N/A |
Sri bhag pact.. | ||
Jawmetri Junior Artist Username: Jawmetri Post Number: 331 Registered: 12-2009 Posted From: 59.93.70.23 Rating: N/A |
http://www.expressbuzz.com/edition/story.aspx?Title=Railroad ed+into+merger-I+?&artid=5/uZ4o9hlqw=&SectionID=e7uPP4|pSiw=&MainSectionID=fyV9T2jIa4A=&SectionName=EH8HilNJ2uYAot 5nzqumeA==&SEO= http://www.expressbuzz.com/edition/story.aspx?Title=Caste+an d+the+politics+of+merger&artid=qvjI71tbWXI=&SectionID=e7uPP4|pSiw=&MainSectionID=fyV9T2jIa4A=&SectionName=EH8HilNJ2uYAot 5nzqumeA==&SEO= | ||
Netsaint Comedian Username: Netsaint Post Number: 1459 Registered: 05-2008 Posted From: 65.186.85.170 Rating: N/A |
yes rayalseema pact undhi..not able to recollect the name of this pact. My Telugu Bhakthi Blog :http://gurugeetha.blogspot.com/ | ||
Guttonkay Side Hero Username: Guttonkay Post Number: 2499 Registered: 05-2008 Posted From: 148.87.19.198 Rating: N/A |
source link please | ||
Dts Junior Artist Username: Dts Post Number: 633 Registered: 08-2009 Posted From: 188.40.51.71 Rating: |
Each and every word in his article seems illogical. Just read for yourself you will notice even if you don't know any history. Every research article must be accomplished by references. Please put those references. కోటిపల్లికి దారడిగి కొండపల్లికి వెళ్తున్నావేమిటి? ...మనసు మార్చుకున్నాను! DTS "The digital experience" | ||
Jawmetri Junior Artist Username: Jawmetri Post Number: 330 Registered: 12-2009 Posted From: 59.93.48.144 Rating: N/A |
I didnt write this. It is by Dr. Gautam Pingle, currently the Dean of Research and Consultancy and Centre Director, Centre for Public Policy, Governance and Performance, Administrative Staff College of India. Anyways DTS, what is it that offended you so much? | ||
Dts Junior Artist Username: Dts Post Number: 632 Registered: 08-2009 Posted From: 188.40.51.71 Rating: N/A |
intha fake write-up nenu ekkaDa chooDaledu, velli pani choosuko! కోటిపల్లికి దారడిగి కొండపల్లికి వెళ్తున్నావేమిటి? ...మనసు మార్చుకున్నాను! DTS "The digital experience" | ||
Jawmetri Junior Artist Username: Jawmetri Post Number: 329 Registered: 12-2009 Posted From: 59.93.68.66 Rating: N/A |
Part II WHEN the issue of a separate Andhra State was raised, there was a marked reluctance on the part of the Rayalaseema elite to the idea of merging with Coastal Andhra. However, on 16 November 1937, the Rayalaseema and Coastal Andhra leaders agreed to a pact which stated the following: (1) university centres would be set up in Waltair and Anantapur; (2) preferential claim of Rayalaseema and Nellore in respect of the utilization of the waters of the Tungabhadra, Krishna and Pennar for ten years or as long as it takes; (3) that each district would have only the same number of seats in the Legislature and (4) the High Court and the Capital would be either in Rayalaseema or Coastal Andhra with the choice to Rayalaseema. The (Dar) Commission on Linguistic Provinces examined the issues of Rayalaseema and Coastal Andhra and said: ``In manner, customs, traditions and general outlook on life also the two groups differ, and in a general way, though in a less intensified form, the distrust and apprehension of domination and exploitation which exist in a Telugu mind against the Tamil, find their counterpart in the Rayalaseema mind against the Coastal districts.ââ The Commission concluded: âRayalaseema being educationally, politically and economically backward, it apprehends Coastal domination and exploitation in services, legislatures, and in development schemes. And altogether, it sees a better chance for the future development of Rayalaseema in undivided Madras than in divided Madras after separation of Andhra.ââ The similarity between the Rayalaseema position and the Sri Bagh Pact in the case of Andhra State and the Telangana situation and the Gentlemanâs Agreement in the case of Vishalandhra is striking. It leads one to wonder that history can teach us if only we are prepared to learn from it. Despite the Pact, it took Potti Sriramuluâs sacrifice to unite the Rayalaseema and Coastal leaders to achieve Andhra State. The capital was located at Kurnool and the High Court in Guntur. But the political balance sought by Rayalaseema leaders with Coastal Andhra was not possible constitutionally as the population of Rayalaseema was half that of Coastal Andhra and Assembly seats were distributed by population size in a democracy. Soon, however, the regional issue became a caste one. Andhra Stateâs two-year existence saw continuous political trouble between the Communist Party (supported by the Kamma community) and the Congress (supported by the Brahmin and Reddy communities). Finally, the Prakasam Coalition Government fell and fresh elections were ordered under Presidentâs Rule. Confronted with a major take-over bid by the Communist Party, the Congress rallied and formed a United Congress Front (UCF), which included the richer Kammas under NG Ranga and other landholding communities afraid of land reform. The 1955 elections thus saw caste equations crystallized and united in the United Congress Front. Of the 170 seats, the Communists got only 15 in the Assembly though they had contested 169. The UCF got 146 seats. Of the 146 seats won by the UCF, Reddys represented 45, Kammas 24 and Telegas 15. With this development, the Kamma-Reddy rivalry moved from the Communist-Congress level to intraparty factions in the Congress Party. The Congress had become a Reddy-Kamma party -- something Ambedkar had warned of in 1953: Take Andhra -- there are only two major communities spread over the linguistic area. They are either Reddys or the Kammas. They hold the land, all the offices, and all the business. The Congress factional rivalry between the Reddys of Rayalaseema and the Kammas of the Coastal Andhra had been managed under the threat of the Communist take-over. Yet it was too inherent in the democratic polity to disappear and it had economic and political consequences. Moreover, Andhra State was virtually bankrupt. Meanwhile, in the 1952 Hyderabad State Assembly elections the Communist Front parties got 37 seats and Congress 44 seats out of the total 97 Telangana Assembly seats. A separate Telangana could easily become a Communist bastion. With the Brahmins and Reddys largely dominating the Congress Party in Telangana, a merger with Andhra would strengthen the Reddy element present on both sides as well as buttress the anti- Communist front. As far as the Reddys of Telangana were concerned, they had just tasted political power after end of the Nizamâs rule and that of the military/ civil rule of the Central Government. They had their inhibitions about their more aggressive Rayalaseema cousins but again were perhaps not confident enough to exercise power on their own. A merger seemed a neat solution for the anti-Communist parties, Nehru and, of course, the Reddys of Rayalaseema and Telangana. After the merger, the Congress Party was enormously strengthened. The 1957 General Election was held in Telangana only (because Andhra had one in 1955). With the revived party and alliance-building with the other minor parties and caste groups, Congress romped home with 68 of the 107 seats contested in Telangana. The Communists were reduced to 23 seats. With 204 out of the 277 seats in the Andhra Pradesh Assembly, the Congress now became entirely a Reddy-dominated party. In 1969, Congress, after neglecting the employment and development needs (especially irrigation) in Telangana saw the Telangana youth revolt at the lack of opportunities, the unfair treatment to their region and the whole series of broken pre-merger promises and guarantees. This led to a patch-up, which again did not work despite a Telangana chief minister for the first time. For the shift in power led to the Separate Andhra agitation in the Coastal Andhra led largely by the disgruntled Kamma community. Eventually nothing changed till 1983. The Congress Party was perceived also to have ignored interests of the powerful and rich Kamma community in the Coastal districts and it paid the price when the Kamma-dominated Telugu Desam Party (TDP) took power in 1983. The TDP had overwhelming support in Telangana, which hoped for better treatment from it, but unfortunately this did not materialize. By 1999, caste-based voting had become the fact of politics: survey data showed that 87% of Kammas and 62% of peasant OBCs voted for the TDP and 77% Reddys, 64% of the Scheduled Castes and 60% of Muslims for the Congress. This meant that the overall election result rests with the other communities such as Kapus, Service OBCs and Scheduled Tribes whose vote split almost 50:50 between the two parties. They could swing the very fine division of the vote (10%) which decides and still decides which party attains power. Emergence of other caste groups such as the Kapu-dominated Praja Rajyam Party or issues such as separate Telangana have upset the caste balance achieved in 1956 and the reestablished balance since 1983. It is not clear what the 2009 balance represented. Only one thing is for sure, separation of Telangana will change everything. | ||
Jawmetri Junior Artist Username: Jawmetri Post Number: 328 Registered: 12-2009 Posted From: 59.93.68.66 Rating: N/A |
Part I THE Congress Party favoured linguistic States from 1920 onwards but the Dar Commission on Linguistic Provinces in 1948 did not. The Congress position on a separate Andhra State was stated in its 1952 Election Manifesto. It was that `` a decision on this question ultimately depends upon the wishes of the people concerned. While linguistic reasons have undoubtedly a certain cultural and other importance, there are other factors also; such as economic, administrative and financial, which have to be taken into consideration.ââ The implication is clearly that ``wishes of the people concernedââ meant the people who wished to have a separate State as clarified in the Constitution Assembly debates. Dealing with demand of the Andhras and the suggestions of a plebiscite or referendum, Prime Minister stated that he would ``entirely agree that 95 to 97 per cent of the people concerned would vote for it.ââ The Congress agreed to the formation of Andhra State in 1949 with conditions but did nothing till the issue was precipitated by Potti Sriramuluâs fast and death and the consequent breakdown of law and order in Coastal Andhra (Rayalaseema was much less involved). On the other hand, Nehru was not impressed by the argument for splitting Hyderabad State. He considered it was ``injurious to Hyderabad and would upset the whole structure of South India. ``It would,ââ he added, ``be very unwise to do anything that would destroy the administrative continuity that has been achieved in Hyderabad after so much effort.ââ He was prepared to accept the recommendations of the States Reorganization Commission (SRCSRC) saying: ``The best course, therefore, appears to me for us to accept the main recommendations of the Commission, subject to minor modifications if necessary and thus try to put an end to these controversies and conflicts.ââ The SRC made several points for merger of Andhra and Telengana. Firstly, it would bring into existence a State with ``a considerable hinterland (i.e., Telangana), with large water and power resources, adequate mineral wealth and valuable raw materialsââ. Secondly, it would solve ``the difficult and vexing problem of finding a permanent capital for Andhra (i.e., the rival claims of the Rayalaseema Reddys for Kurnool and the Coastal Kammas for Vijaywada/ Guntur) as the twin cities of Hyderabad and Secunderabad are very well suited to be the capital of Vishalandhra.ââ Thirdly, with the merger of Telangana, ``one independent political jurisdiction namely of Telangana (i.e., an upper riverine region) can be eliminated, the formulation and implementation of plans in the eastern areas (i.e., Coastal Andhra) in these two great river basins (i.e., Krishna and Godavari) would be expedited.ââ In its estimation, however, there were serious problems too. Firstly, ``Andhra State has faced a financial problem of some magnitude ever since it was created and in comparison with Telangana the existing Andhra State has low government per capita revenue.ââ Telangana, on the other hand, had surpluses. Thus, the result of unification would be to level out the Andhra deficits with Telangana surpluses. This did not appeal to Telangana which ``could be a stable and viable unit considered by itself ââ. Secondly, with regard to river waters: ``Telangana would not wish to lose its present independent rights in relation to the utilization of the waters of Krishna and Godavariââ. Thirdly, on the issue of employment the SRC pointed out that ``one of the principal causes of opposition to Vishalandhra also seems to be the apprehension felt by the educationally backward people of Telangana that they may be swamped and exploited by the more advanced people of the coastal areas... while Telangana itself may be converted into a colony by the enterprising coastal Andhra.ââ Summing up, the SRC stated: ``Important leaders of public opinion in Andhra themselves seem to appreciate that the unification of Telangana with Andhra, though desirable, should be based on a voluntary and willing association of the people and that it is primarily for the people of Telangana to take a decision about their futureââ It concluded that: ``After taking all these factors into consideration we have come to the conclusion that it will be in the interest of Andhra as well as Telangana, if for the present, the Telangana area is to be constituted into a separate State, which may be known as the Hyderabad State with provision for its unification with Andhra after the general elections likely to be held in or about 1961 if by a two-thirds majority the legislature of the residual Hyderabad State expresses itself in favour of such unification.ââ The demand for a separate Telangana State had support from the Hyderabad (as it still was) Congress Party. In November of 1955, newspapers reported that seven out of the ten Congress Committee members from Telangana, 73 out of the 105 Telangana Congress delegates, the State executive of the Indian National Trade Union Congress, and ten Members of Parliament from Telangana supported a separate State. Even the mouthpiece of the Telangana Congress politicians, the Golkonda Patrika newspaper, switched its support for Vishalandhra in 1954 and reversed its position in 1955 to support a separate Telangana. The eight-day debate in the Hyderabad Assembly in late November 1955 on an official resolution on the issue was lively but no vote was taken, which in itself is significant... Yet, when it came to the final decision, Nehru said that: ``The Commission has suggested that if Hyderabad was going to be disintegrated, the Telangana area should remain separate for five years and then decide whether it should merge with the other areas of Andhra. We have no particular objection to that but, logically speaking, it seems to me unwise to allow this matter to be left to argument. Let it be taken up now and let us be done with it.ââ When the merger announcement was made by Nehru in Nizamabad in a public meeting held on 5 March 1956 it was, therefore, wholly unexpected. He softened the blow by stating that there would be two Regional Councils to take care that there was no discrimination. He indicated that the decision had been arrived at with consent of all parties concerned. The Congress High Command had agreed to bilingual States in Bombay and Punjab. It had not touched UP and Bihar -- though Madhya Bharat was merged with CP and Berar to make Madhya Pradesh. In Bengal, it refused the Gorkhas a separate State. Its view -- largely Nehruâs -- on Hyderabadâs unity was cast aside. The SRC and local sentiment for the independent existence of Telangana was overruled. At least in the case of Andhra, the movement had been going on for two decades. On the other hand, the mystery is why the second merger (Vishalandhra) took place ``with no sentiment, no logical reason, no recommendation by SRC and no previous interest shown by Nehru?ââ It seems fairly obvious from the historical and political context of Andhra State and Telangana region that several issues played a role in the merger decision. |
